stavrakakis agonism

Stavrakakis, Yannis. “Challenges of Re-politicisation: Mouffe’s Agonism and Artistic Practices.” Third Text, Vol. 26, Issue 5, September, 2012, 551–565

Check out Mouffe’s take on agonism/art

Indeed, are we really conscious of the ease with which the post-democratic malaise is accepted and legitimised, of the ease with which people accommodate themselves to power strctures and resist change?.”

Why are people so willing and often enthusiastic – or at least relieved – to submit themselves to conditions of subordination, to the forces of hierarchical order? What had already emerged with Etienne de la Boétie as the troubling question of voluntary servitude, and through Stanley Milgram’s experiment as an elementary psycho-social structure of obedience to power, is today further reinforced through the transformations in the ways in which the social bond is regulated and obedience secured.

And it is not a problem of false consciousness or education. It is a problem of desire.

No, the masses were not innocent dupes; at a certain point, under a certain set of conditions, they wanted fascism, and it is this perversion of the desire of the masses that needs to be accounted for.

In his preface to the Anti-Oedipus, Michel Foucault locates this problematic at the centre of their explorations. In his view, the strategic adversary of Deleuze and Guattari is the fascist tendencies implicit in all of us, informing our judgement and behaviour: ‘the fascism that causes us to love power, to desire the very thing that dominates and exploits us’.

Foucault was right when he observed that power does not only denote coercion and repression: power relations are tolerated and even desired, because they produce identity, give meaning, procure pleasure. In a similar vein, Jacques Lacan indicated the crucial role of enjoyment ( jouissance) in securing obedience – in Lacan the super-ego command is ‘Enjoy!’. Indeed, in late capitalist societies, it is the command to enjoy — through consumption — that increasingly constitutes the ethical foundation of the social bond

Hence it is utopian to think that persuasive critique and a (local) de-legitimisation of hegemonic discourses alone can threaten their smooth reproduction. Very often we ourselves function as the worst enemies of our freedom, of another more enabling structuration of our desire.

to thematise and highlight our personal implication in the reproduction of power structures and of the inability of conscious knowledge to effect a shift in this relation.

What is called for, in other words, is a restrained re-politicisation able to function at both the cognitive and affective levels in order to make us assume responsibility for our multiple accommodation to power structures.

Can contemporary art function as an agent of such a re-politicisation?

The first step in any subjective – or collective – change is to assume responsibility for our direct and indirect, conscious and unconscious, cognitive and affective implication in our symptom: to put it in Lacan’s terms, we need to identify with our symptom, to thematise our own attachment to what secures our servitude.

In this way we can also avoid the fetishisation and demonisation of the enemy figure as an alien intruder destabilising our supposed harmony, characteristic of ‘speculative leftism’; Kentridge’s use of his own image in the depiction of Eckstein offers a useful mechanism sublimating violent antagonism into democratic agonism: true change always requires an ambiguous struggle against our own selves and no easy solution is available here, no purity can ever be achieved.

stavrakakis post democracy

PostDemocracy Yannis Stavrakakis

The term “postdemocracy” has recently emerged in sociology and political theory as part of an effort to conceptually grasp and critically mark the late modern pathologies of liberal democracy, especially in relation to late capitalist conditions.

In premodern societies religious imagination was the predominant discursive horizon for the inscription and administration of negativity. Following the dislocation of this horizon, it seems that political modernity has oscillated between (at least) three responses vis-à-vis negativity: utopian, democratic, and postdemocratic. Continue reading “stavrakakis post democracy”

Laclau 2013 reply to critchley 2002

Thinking the political: The work of Ernesto Laclau  10 – 12 April 2013

Laclau’s opening presentation
Final roundtable session  Conspicuous by their absence are J. Glynos and A.J. Norval.

Ethics, Politics and Radical Democracy – A Response to Simon Critchley

First of all I would like to thank Simon for all the effort he has undertaken in preparing what is no doubt a very important article of his. I would like, however, to start by indicating two general areas in which my approach differs from Simon’s. Then I am going to go into the seven points that he has enunciated at the end of his article.

The first point of disagreement concerns the question of deconstruction. Simon has quite rightly pointed out that mine is a deconstructive approach and that my deconstruction leads to putting into question some of the sharp distinctions that we have found in recent philosophical writings. One of these distinctions is the distinction to be found in the work of Alain Badiou between l’être and l’événement, which is probably a leftover from his Sartrean past but which is quite an important structure in his approach. (Recently Slavoj Žižek has written that the difference between the work of Badiou and my own is the fact that I am a deconstructionist while Badiou is not one. That is probably true, although I think there are more important differences, the main one being that he is a Maoist and I’m a Gramscian.) But, anyway, what I want to take issue with Simon about in the first place is the idea that I am deconstructing the descriptive/normative distinction while I am not deconstructing the ethical/normative one. In fact I think I am deconstructing both.

Deconstruction consists in discovering the undecidability of things which are presented as being either joined or separated. So deconstruction involves two kinds of operation. On the one hand, it shows that between two things which have been portrayed as being essentially linked there is in fact some kind of undecidability which prevents them from being assembled together. On the other hand, deconstruction also involves showing that between two things which are originally presented as separated there is a certain amount of contamination. Now in traditional ethical theory the descriptive/normative distinction is fully accepted. It has, as you know, Kantian origins; in fact it is first and foremost with Kant that we have such a strict separation. If we go, for instance, to The Nichomachean Ethics we find that it is much more difficult to determine what is descriptive and what is normative. Nevertheless, this distinction is generally accepted in post-Kantian ethical theory. The deconstructive task here consists in showing that these two sides, which are in fact two dimensions of an ensemble that cannot be separated except in an analytical way, are contaminated. But, in the second place, from the point of view of the relationship between the normative and the ethical, the deconstructive task is quite the opposite. As people normally tend to collapse the ethical and the normative, the deconstructive task is to show that there is not such a strict overlap between the two. So, in fact, I think I am deconstructing both of these oppositions, both of the distinctions we are arguing about.

The second point on which I am going to take issue with Simon is the question of formal content. Let me put it bluntly. The distinction between the normative and the ethical that I am presenting in my work has absolutely nothing to do with the distinction between form and content, because among other things form is something which has a content of its own, it is a more general content. It is a content the space of which can be occupied by many specified instances, but this space is still organised around a set of essential contents. For me, the notion of the ethical is linked with the notion of an empty signifier, whereby an empty signifier is that option to which no content would correspond. It is, to use Kant’s term, a noumenon, an object which shows itself through the impossibility of its adequate representation. So if the ethical is conceived in this way, obviously it has nothing to do with any kind of formalism. If I had to choose between Hegel and Kant, I myself would choose Hegel. But the problem is that the ethical in the sense in which I try to specify it cannot be answered either by Hegelian or by Kantian ethics.

Now, what is an ethical experience? In another paper Simon has linked the notion of an ethical experience to the answer to a demand. I am not against this assertion, but I would argue, however, that the notion of the ethical experience is far more radical than this. It is related to the experience of the unconditional in an entirely conditioned universe. And this experience of the unconditional is the kernel of any notion of ethics. If we say that there is a radical distinction between the ‘is’ and the ‘ought’, this distance between the two is precisely what constitutes the space of ethics. But this distance is experienced through a certain breech, or gap, which cannot be ultimately filled. Because of this the transition from the ethical to the normative is going to have the characteristic of a radical investment.

Here I want to take a small detour and speak about mysticism, because mysticism is a type of intellectual or experiential exercise in which the problem is exactly how to give expression to something which is essentially ineffable; how the ineffable can be in some sense expressed there. And this question of the discursive devices to which mysticism tries to give appropriate expression illuminates the central aspect in the organisation of the whole human experience. Let me quote a passage from Meister Eckhart:

You should love God non-mentally, that is to say the soul should become non-mental and stripped of her mental nature. For as long as your soul is mental, she will possess images. And as long as she has images she will possess intermediaries and as long as she has intermediaries, she will have no unity or simplicity. As long as she lacks simplicity, she does not truly love God, for true love depends upon simplicity.

At the continuation of that paragraph is the famous passage in which the notion of the negation of negation that is going to impress Hegel so much is formulated for the first time. Eckhart writes further, ‘Oneness is purer than goodness and truth. ‘… If I say that God is good then I am adding something to him. Oneness on the other hand is a negation of negation and a denial of denial. What does “one” mean? One is that to which nothing has been added’. Obviously this passage has a kind of Spinozian ring. The notion of oneness that is presented here involves a negation of difference, an annihilation of difference. But there is an ambiguity in the passage, and in fact I think in all mysticism of the Northern type. On the one hand, God is the Absolute Beyond, on the other he is something which is all-embracing. These are the two possibilities on which a classical distinction between introverted and extroverted mysticism has been formulated, but it is a distinction which is full of consequences for the problems that we have discussed so far. Obviously the whole Hegelian dialectic is an attempt to transform the beyond into something which is an all-embracing totality. In Saussurean terms we would say that we have a universe in which we have only relations of co-ordination and not relations of substitution.

Now, what is the consequence of this? If we have a total introverted mysticism, in that case the distinction between the ontic and the ontological practically disappears. I am going to come back later on to that distinction. But let me quote now from a poem by Robert Browning:

Do I task any faculty highest, to image success?
I but open my eyes, — and perfection, no more and no less,
In the kind I imagined, full-fronts me, and God is seen God
In the star, in the stone, in the flesh, in the soul and the clod. (‘Saul’)

Now if God is expressed through the totality of things, we don’t have a point at which there is a radical investment and the possibility of establishing the distinction that I tried to establish between the ethical and the normative. What is important to see here is that for the mystic, especially of the introverted type, there is no lack of engagement at work. There is, on the contrary, active participation – a mystic is not an anchorite. Eckhart says as follows:

Those who are rightly disposed truly have God with them and whoever truly possesses God in the right way, possesses him in all places: on the street, in any company, as well as in a church or a remote place or in their cell. No one can obstruct this person, for they intend and seek nothing but God and take great pleasure only in him, who is united with them in all their aims. And so just as no multiplicity can divide God, in the same way nothing can scatter this person or divide them for they are one in the One in whom all multiplicity is one and is non-multiplicity.

That is to say, we have what I have called in other works a logic of equivalence by which a set of a different particularised actions act as part of a certain process of totalisation. But the possibility of this totalisation depends on this dialectic which Eckhart has explored, which is the dialectic between detachment and engagement. I am then fully detached because God is something beyond everything which is expressible. But precisely because of that I can engage in my activities in the world with an ethical seriousness that people who are preoccupied with small objectives are unable to develop. In fact, what I think Eckhart is describing here is something belonging to the figure of the militant. A similar argument was made by Georges Sorel when discussing the general strike. He says:

If I participate in an occupation of a factory, in a demonstration, in a strike, each of these movements is going to have a particular objective. If I am concentrating on the particularity of the objective in that case I am dispersing myself in the world. But if I see each of these activities as steps towards an ultimate end, which is the general strike, in that case precisely because I am detached from the direct identification with a particular objective I can engage in a more militant way in all these objectives.

An important point is that the general strike necessarily is an empty signifier. The general strike for Sorel is also something – an event which could possibly happen is some kind of an ultimate objective in which the fullness of being is going to be achieved. And in this fullness of being tangentially we are going to see a breech of the gap between the ontic and the ontological. In the fullness of being is in that sense the ethical moment which forges a variety of partial actions.

Now with these general remarks in mind I want to pass to some of the more concrete points raised by Simon in his paper. First, about the de jure/de facto distinction between normative content and ethical form, which, as we know from what I have said before, is not an ethical form but rather an ethical content. But this ethical content is given by a pure emptiness which later requires some form of radical investment. In fact here the moment of the decision is clearly unavoidable. Now, what about de jure and de facto? I would say that it is not simply de jure, not simply analytically, that the distinction between the ethical and the normative is made. Once an object is an object of ethical investment, this object is going to function discursively and with organised experience in a completely different way than it would in a purely normative order. For instance, at the beginning of the twentieth century the idea of the socialisation of the means of production was the object of some radical investment. How did this investment proceed by transforming socialisations of the means of production in the symbol of something beyond them? Because socialisation of the means of production is, strictly speaking, a way of running the economy. But for people who invested in this aim the end was much wider. Through a state of equivalence it involved the supposition of all forms of oppression. And in this sense it was the signifier of something beyond itself. So the fact that it was the object of ethical investment made a great deal of difference to the organisation of the whole of the normative experience. Any kind of normative experience required this ethical investment, but once this ethical investment is in operation there is not going to be an overlap in the distinction between de jure and de facto as such. Instead, we will have a totally different structuration of the field of historical experience.

The second point concerns Heidegger. I cannot accept the notion of the unity of the ontological and the ontic as the characteristic of Dasein in the way in which Simon suggested, among other things because Heidegger says from the very beginning of Being and Time that the ontic characteristic of Dasein is the fact that it is ontological. That is to say, the ontic characteristics which apply to a set of other realities are in fact organised in an entirely different way in the case of Dasein. What this involves is the idea that the ontic characteristic of Dasein is to be ontological; it is important that its meaning is not simply given but is rather constructed. I have to choose my life at any singular moment; I have an openness which precisely no content can really absorb. And so the ontic/ontological distinction is not a formal one; it is a distinction which actually organises a human reality as such. Then in point (4) Simon says the assumption behind the identification of the ethical with the ontological would seem to be that we can thematise and grasp conceptually the being of the ethical: i.e. that the nature of ethics can be ontologically identified and comprehended. If the ethical is an experience of the unconditional which is beyond any possibility of language, then it is impossible for the ethical to be identified and comprehended. In making this point I think Simon really has to some extent misunderstood my argument. The quotations he then provides from Levinas, Lacan etc. are quotations to which I would fully subscribe precisely because the being of ethics in not a being, it is a beyond-being, other-than-being. In that case there is something that you can invest in a normative order, but you cannot express it in a direct way. So I think that from this point Simon and I are not that far apart. Now, as far as Wittgenstein is concerned, I would disagree on a philological level. I think that when Wittgenstein is speaking about the ethical, the type of argument he is making is entirely different from the one that Kant or Levinas develop. I don’t accept the fact that the word ethics appears there and the mystical appears there. This is also something which relates to some of the problems of how to connect names and objects, which is typical of the early analytical philosophy but is something which I do not have time to enter into now.

Let me now address point (5) in Simon’s critique. Again, I am not entirely in agreement with Simon about the way in which he links a particular decision with a rule in the beautiful quotation from Wittgenstein concerning rule-following which he includes here. Simon says, ‘This quotation would seem to illustrate well the relation between ethics and normativity. There is a rule which possesses universality, for example the sequence of prime numbers, and yet each expression of that rule demands a decision, an act of continuing the sequence’. And he concludes, ‘In this sense the rule would be ethical and the particular decision would be normative’. I think this cannot be solved if the ethical is understood in the way I understand it myself, because in the first place there is no rule which would be in itself and by itself ethical. This rule requires ethical investment and this ethical investment is already something which enters into the order of the normative. So I do not think that the moment of the universality of that rule is what transforms it into the ethical, because you cannot have a universality which is fully normative, as in case of Kant.

Now let me comment briefly on the point in which I am seriously risking banality, which is point (6) in Simon’s argument concerning the two alternatives he presents: ‘If there is some specific content of the ethical then the distinction between the ethical and the normative cannot be said to hold. Yet conversely, if there is no content of the ethical at all then one might be entitled to ask, what’s the point?’ I have two responses here. First, I do not think that we are actually presented with only these alternatives that Simon is discussing in this passage – either we have a meta-ethical position or an ethics with a particularised ethical content. I want to suggest that there are some other alternatives. Let me quote a famous passage from Marx, in which he tries to explain why in Aristotle there cannot be a conception of value in the economic sense: ‘It cannot be a notion of value simply because there was slave labour and the idea that there was an abstraction that was called abstract labour is something which could not emerge in the ancient world.’ Once you have that brief move from one branch of industry to the other then labour power becomes something of an abstraction. This abstraction is not simply an abstraction in thought; it is an abstraction which is actually organising social relations. But once I have the category of abstract labour I can perfectly well see how, in the past, in those societies in which abstract labour could not emerge, labour was nevertheless organised. I do not think that is a matter of restricting the analysis to the present; rather, the present through its form and distinction shows something which also has the characteristics of meta-theory, of the wider theory of society. So I think the two elements are here together – which is why the theory of hegemony has emerged these days and could not have emerged two hundred years ago. It is emerging exactly at the moment in which the plurality of subject positions is seen to be constantly rearticulated in a new way; that is to say, the experience of hegemonic relation today has illuminated something concerning also the general characteristic of human society. Now, is this content exclusively descriptive? I would argue it is not, and there I would agree with Simon. It is not entirely descriptive because in order to see hegemony I have to see the contingency of social arrangements, and once I see the contingency of social arrangements, I can start conceiving of ways of developing social possibilities which could not exist if society were considered to be grounded in the will of God, in nature, or whatever there is. That is to say, I also agree with some of the conclusions that Simon has reached here, in the sense that democratic hegemony is what reveals the nature of hegemony as such; and it is only with democratic hegemony that the full extent of the hegemonic relation can be historically recognised.

Ž in south korea june 2012 buddha buddhism

Zizek Lecture  in South Korea Kyung Hee University in June 27 2012

Q and A Zizek in South Korea Kyung Hee University in June 27 2012

Universality is Universality of Struggle
Symbolic Castration
Father confused impotent person, but his symbolic identity you respect him
Famous Ninotchka Joke: Coffee Without Cream/Run Out of Cream/Only Have Milk/Coffee Without Milk
What you don’t have (negativity) is part of your identity. What is missing is part of your identity. Coffee without what it is.
I don’t drink coffee, that’s ok, I don’t have any. Today, the way ideology works today, is not as a direct lie, in the sense it directly tells something not true, ideology lies in not in what it says, it lies it says what it says, by generating in us implicit meaning, while it relies on the opposite meaning. To use the example of coffee, it is giving us coffee w/o milk, but it claims it is giving us coffee w/o cream. Be attentive to these implicit meanings, what is said w/o being said. In Europe, austerity, when those in power want to impose people austerity measures, they pretend they are offering coffee w/o milk, when they are really offering coffee w/o cream. Why is this so important?

Hegelian Totality
precisely a totality of what there is, and what there is not.  in true dialectical analysis, the point is not to include particular events in larger harmonious totality, the point is not to look at phenomena isolated, look holistically, this is NOT enough, but include in concept all its failures and so on, take capitalism, to take it as a totality, it is not enough to say as a system it is good, NO we should look at all those points where it fails, inside a country and outside, i.e., APPLE as a country, oooh, see it as a success, but we say NO Apple without FOXCON.   or take the CONGO.  It is a state that is immensely mineral rich but the state doesn’t funciton, you simply have local warlords and directly deal with foreign companies.   Congo is not developed enough to be part of global capitalism NO.   There are child warriors, as such as this hell on earth, CONGO IS PART OF TODAY’S GLOBAL CAPITALISM.  global capitalism is also the dark side.
South Korea: One of your big companies, had intentions to buy all arable land in Madagascar. throw out local farmers. This is global capitalism. A proper dialectical analysis begins, you have a ideal universal notion, then look at failures and non-intended by-products, the dialectic will show these failures are NECESSARY failures, all mistakes, antagonisms are part of the UNIVERSAL NOTION.

The category which is more and more becoming crucial is the category of UNEMPLOYMENT
In standard Marxist story: Exploitation.  But today the unemployed are becoming more and more crucial, not just RESERVE ARMY.  but  the forever UNEMPLOYABLE.  Whole countries, Somalia, Congo, or whole regions in countries, in a sense Unemployed, excluded from world markets, you have people in advance that are Unemployable.  Millions of students who study, but realize there is no chance they will get a job in the domain of their studies.  We have somehow to expand the Domain of Proletarians.  It is NOT just who work and exploited, it is those who are not working.  Capitalism is more and more generating NECESSARY UNEMPLOYMENT.

Why don’t we see this more clearly?  This shows the strength of the ruling hegemonic ideology.  The omniprescence of anti-capitalism, look at any popular media, you have many anti-capitalist stories, but all these critiques are moralistic critiques, greedy bankers, polluting environment.  The problem is what changed in recent capitalism, that this greed can be realized with such catastrophic consequences.  The limit of this moralistic anti-capitalism, by blaming people, it prevents us from doing the crucial analysis of the SYSTEM. what is wrong with the SYSTEM as such.   Almost everyone today is a Fukuyamist.  Liberal democractic capitalism is the only game in town.  All we can do is make it a little better. a little more efficient.
We can easily imagine the end of the world, but a little change in capitalism we can’t imagine.

class struggle: antagonism deadlock is constitutive of society
multiculturalist where problem is recognition, how can we be recognized: gay, women etc.
I am still for BINARY logic against multiplicity of struggles.

Laclau critique   none of these struggles have apriori central position, all strategic consideration. There is no priority

Politico-economic antagonism is not at same level of these other struggles, it has a MORE SUBSTANTIAL position, of overdetermining, structuring other struggles.

Buddhism and Dalai Lama

Origin of fall of Buddhism.  Mahayama: Bhodisava, you were already there liberated, out of this compassion with humanity, you CAME back into this world of suffering, so you postponed your liberation until all others are liberated this is a SACRIFICIAL logic.  I don’t trust anybody that is willing to sacrifice themselves for you.

Communism will win There are miracles but only for those who believe in the miracle. Communism will win means that we who are engaged in the struggle, we can read events as signs of communism: Tahir Sq. etc, are all signs that point towards a possible communism but there is no guarantee, no objective necessity, communism will win for those who believe in communism, a bit of a tautology.

Truth is not a neutral objective truth. Truth is universal: but it is nonetheless PARTIAL.  No if you look neutrally you see nothing, you only see truth if you are interested in truth, an emancipatory truth.   Communism will come as an unintended consequence  We Chinese commies are the best managers of capitalism.   It less and less needs democracy. This should worry us.  In Lacanian the gap between what you want and what you desire.  People desire communism but they don’t want.  What people usually desire they don’t want. People all the time think they desire something, but when they come close to it, they think its horrible and don’t want it.  What you want is not the same is what you desire.  Communism will come but people will not want it.

Why still keep the stupid name?

on Egypt

on Greece

On Marx  To be a Marxist today, means not to return to Marx, in a radically critical way, totally reconstruct radically his analysis.  A fundamental flaws we can see today in his notion of communism.  His notion of communism is still a capitalism, that is, capitalism without the private property, then this wild development will continue.  He didn’t see that this dynamism is only possible within the capitalist frame.  Second limitation, he had ingenious insights 1848 revolution, 18th Brumaire, but in terms of analysis of power, he didn’t develop it properly.  The horrors of 20th Century communism you can’t explain through a critical Marxism.  Stalinism occured because communsm developed in the wrong place.  No. This is wrong.

I don’t like the term Third Way.  If you want the Third way, what is Second way: Fascism, Communism, the Second way failed because they stayed within capitalism, total productivity, efficiency and so on.  I don’t like to talk about the Third way because the Second way wasn’t a serious second way.  Too much of this we have extremes and we need proper balance.  I don’t like balance, I like extremes.

on Violence:  Hitler and Ghandi, the quote that got him in a lot of trouble

Hitler was afraid to do real social change.  Tahir Sq. they stopped the entire functioning of the state. Mubarak’s violence was a violence aimed at restoring social order.  It’s not that we live in peaceful times and some crazy revolutionary starts violence, but what about violence in Congo?  Structural violence, the violence that is here as part of NORMAL state of things.  The positive violence is violence of just occupying space and preventing things from going on as normal. Ghandi was much more violent than Hitler, because his aim was to stop the state from functioning.  It was an anti-systemic violence.

mouffe art agonistic

Mouffe, Chantal. Artistic Activism and Agonistic Spaces   Art & Research Summer 2007

Can artistic practices still play a critical role in a society where the difference between art and advertizing have become blurred and where artists and cultural workers have become a necessary part of capitalist production? Scrutinizing the ‘new spirit of capitalism’ Luc Boltanski and Eve Chiapello [1] have shown how the demands for autonomy of the new movements of the 1960’s had been harnessed in the development of the post-Fordist networked economy and transformed in new forms of control. The aesthetic strategies of the counter-culture: the search for authenticity, the ideal of self-management, the anti-hierarchical exigency, are now used in order to promote the conditions required by the current mode of capitalist regulation, replacing the disciplinary framework characteristic of the Fordist period. Nowadays artistic and cultural production play a central role in the process of capital valorization and, through ‘neo-management’, artistic critique has become an important element of capitalist productivity.

This has led some people to claim that art had lost its critical power because any form of critique is automatically recuperated and neutralized by capitalism. Others, however, offer a different view and see the new situation as opening the way for different strategies of opposition. Such a view can be supported by insights from Andre Gorz for whom ‘When self-exploitation acquires a central role in the process of valorization, the production of subjectivity becomes a terrain of the central conflict… Social relations that elude the grasp of value, competitive individualism and market exchange make the latter appear by contrast in their political dimension, as extensions of the power of capital. A front of total resistance to this power is made possible. It necessarily overflows the terrain of production of knowledge towards new practices of living, consuming and collective appropriation of common spaces and everyday culture.’ [2]

To be sure the modernist idea of the avant-garde has to be abandoned, but that does not mean that any form of critique has become impossible. What is needed is widening the field of artistic intervention, by intervening directly in a multiplicity of social spaces in order to oppose the program of total social mobilization of capitalism. The objective should be to undermine the imaginary environment necessary for its reproduction. As Brian Holmes puts it, ‘Art can offer a chance for society to collectively reflect on the imaginary figures it depends upon for its very consistency, its self-understanding.’ [3]

I agree that artistic practices could contribute to the struggle against capitalist domination but this requires a proper understanding of the dynamics of democratic politics; an understanding which I contend can only be obtained by acknowledging the political in its antagonistic dimension as well as the contingent nature of any type of social order. It is only within such a perspective that one can grasp the hegemonic struggle which characterizes democratic politics, hegemonic struggle in which artistic practices can play a crucial role.

The political as antagonism
The point of departure of the theoretical reflections that I will propose in this piece is the difficulty that we currently have for envisaging the problems facing our societies in a political way. Contrary to what neo-liberal ideologists would like us to believe, political questions are not mere technical issues to be solved by experts. Properly political questions always involve decisions which require us to make a choice between conflicting alternatives. This incapacity to think politically, is to a great extent due to the uncontested hegemony of liberalism. ‘Liberalism’, in the way I use the term in the present context, refers to a philosophical discourse with many variants, united not by a common essence but by a multiplicity of what Wittgenstein calls ‘family resemblances’. There are to be sure many liberalisms, some more progressive than others but, save a few exceptions, the dominant tendency in liberal thought is characterized by a rationalist and individualist approach which is unable to grasp adequately the pluralistic nature of the social world, with the conflicts that pluralism entails; conflicts for which no rational solution could ever exist, hence the dimension of antagonism that characterizes human societies. The typical liberal understanding of pluralism is that we live in a world in which there are indeed many perspectives and values and that, due to empirical limitations, we will never be able to adopt them all, but that, when put together, they constitute an harmonious ensemble. This is why this type of liberalism must negate the political in its antagonistic dimension. Indeed, one of the main tenets of this liberalism is the rationalist belief in the availability of a universal consensus based on reason. No wonder that the political constitutes its blind spot. Liberalism has to negate antagonism since, by bringing to the fore the inescapable moment of decision – in the strong sense of having to decide in an undecidable terrain – antagonism reveals the very limit of any rational consensus.

Politics as Hegemony
Next to antagonism, the concept of hegemony is, in my approach, the other key notion for addressing the question of ‘the political’. To acknowledge the dimension of the political as the ever present possibility of antagonism requires coming to terms with the lack of a final ground and the undecidability which pervades every order. It requires in other words recognizing the hegemonic nature of every kind of social order and the fact that every society is the product of a series of practices attempting at establishing order in a context of contingency. The political is linked to the acts of hegemonic institution. It is in this sense that one has to differentiate the social from the political. The social is the realm of sedimented practices, that is, practices that conceal the originary acts of their contingent political institution and which are taken for granted, as if they were self-grounded. Sedimented social practices are a constitutive part of any possible society; not all social bonds are put into question at the same time. The social and the political have thus the status of what Heidegger called existentials, i.e. necessary dimensions of any societal life. If the political – understood in its hegemonic sense- involves the visibility of the acts of social institution, it is impossible to determine a priori what is social and what is political independently of any contextual reference. Society is not to be seen as the unfolding of a logic exterior to itself, whatever the source of this logic could be: forces of production, development of the Spirit, laws of history, etc. Every order is the temporary and precarious articulation of contingent practices. The frontier between the social and the political is essentially unstable and requires constant displacements and renegotiations between social agents. Things could always be otherwise and therefore every order is predicated on the exclusion of other possibilities. It is in that sense that it can be called ‘political’ since it is the expression of a particular structure of power relations. Power is constitutive of the social because the social could not exist without the power relations through which it is given shape. What is at a given moment considered as the ‘natural’ order – jointly with the ‘common sense’ which accompanies it – is the result of sedimented hegemonic practices; it is never the manifestation of a deeper objectivity exterior to the practices that bring it into being.

Every order is therefore political and based on some form of exclusion. There are always other possibilities that have been repressed and that can be reactivated. The articulatory practices through which a certain order is established and the meaning of social institutions is fixed are ‘hegemonic practices’. Every hegemonic order is susceptible of being challenged by counter-hegemonic practices, i.e. practices which will attempt to disarticulate the existing order so as to install another form of hegemony.

What is at stake in what I call the ‘agonistic’ struggle,[4] which I see as the core of a vibrant democracy, is the very configuration of power relations around which a given society is structured. It is a struggle between opposing hegemonic projects which can never be reconciled rationally. An agonistic conception of democracy acknowledges the contingent character of the hegemonic politico-economic articulations which determine the specific configuration of a society at a given moment. They are precarious and pragmatic constructions which can be disarticulated and transformed as a result of the agonistic struggle among the adversaries. Contrary to the various liberal models, the agonistic approach that I am advocating recognizes that society is always politically instituted and never forgets that the terrain in which hegemonic interventions take place is always the outcome of previous hegemonic practices and that it is never an neutral one. This is why it denies the possibility of a non-adversarial democratic politics and criticizes those who, by ignoring the dimension of ‘the political’, reduce politics to a set of supposedly technical moves and neutral procedures.

The Public Space
What are the consequences of the agonistic model of democratic politics that I have just delineated for visualizing the public space? The most important consequence is that it challenges the widespread conception that, albeit in different ways, informs most visions of the public space conceived as the terrain where consensus can emerge. For the agonistic model, on the contrary, the public space is the battleground where different hegemonic projects are confronted, without any possibility of final reconciliation. I have spoken so far of the public space, but I need to specify straight away that, we are not dealing here with one single space. According to the agonistic approach, public spaces are always plural and the agonistic confrontation takes place in a multiplicity of discursive surfaces. I also want to insist on a second important point. While there is no underlying principle of unity, no predetermined centre to this diversity of spaces, there always exist diverse forms of articulation among them and we are not faced with the kind of dispersion envisaged by some postmodernist thinkers. Nor are we dealing with the kind of ’smooth’ space found in Deleuze and his followers. Public spaces are always striated and hegemonically structured. A given hegemony results from a specific articulation of a diversity of spaces and this means that the hegemonic struggle also consist in the attempt to create a different form of articulation among public spaces.

My approach is therefore clearly very different from the one defended by Jürgen Habermas, who when he envisages the political public space (which he calls the ‘public sphere’) presents it as the place where deliberation aiming at a rational consensus takes place. To be sure Habermas now accepts that it is improbable, given the limitations of social life, that such a consensus could effectively be reached and he sees his ideal situation of communication as a ‘regulative idea’. However, according to the perspective that I am advocating, the impediments to the Habermasian ideal speech situation are not empirical but ontological and the rational consensus that he presents as a regulative idea is in fact a conceptual impossibility. Indeed it would require the availability of a consensus without exclusion which is precisely what the agonistic approach reveals to be impossible.

I also want to indicate that, despite the similar terminology, my conception of the agonistic public space also differs from the one of Hannah Arendt which has become so popular recently. In my view the main problem with the Arendtian understanding of ‘agonism’, is that to put it in a nutshell, it is an ‘agonism without antagonism’. What I mean is that, while Arendt puts great emphasis on human plurality and insists that politics deals with the community and reciprocity of human beings which are different, she never acknowledges that this plurality is at the origin of antagonistic conflicts. According to Arendt, to think politically is to develop the ability to see things from a multiplicity of perspectives. As her reference to Kant and his idea of ‘enlarged thought’ testifies her pluralism is not fundamentally different from the liberal one because it is inscribed in the horizon of an intersubjective agreement. Indeed what she looks for in Kant’s doctrine of the aesthetic judgment is a procedure for ascertaining intersubjective agreement in the public space. Despite significant differences between their respective approaches, Arendt, like Habermas, ends up envisaging the public space in a consensual way. To be sure, as Linda Zerilli has pointed out,[5] in her case the consensus results from the exchange of voices and opinions (in the greek sense of doxa) not from a rational ‘Diskurs’ like in Habermas. While for Habermas consensus emerges through what Kant calls ‘disputieren’, an exchange of arguments constrained by logical rules, for Arendt is a question of ‘streiten’, where agreement is produced through persuasion, not irrefutable proofs. However neither of them is able to acknowledge the hegemonic nature of every form of consensus and the ineradicability of antagonism, the moment of ‘Wiederstreit’, what Lyotard refers to as ‘the differend’. It is symptomatic that, despites finding their inspiration in different aspects of Kant’s philosophy, both Arendt and Habermas privilege the aspect of the beautiful in Kant’s aesthetic and ignore his reflection on the sublime. This is no doubt related to their avoidance of ‘the differend’.

Critical artistic practices and hegemony
What kind of link can we establish between this theoretical discussion and the field of artistic practices? Before addressing this question I want to stress that I do not see the relation between art and politics in terms of two separately constituted fields, art on one side and politics on the other, between which a relation would need to be established. There is an aesthetic dimension in the political and there is a political dimension in art. This is why I consider that it is not useful to make a distinction between political and non-political art. From the point of view of the theory of hegemony, artistic practices play a role in the constitution and maintenance of a given symbolic order or in its challenging and this is why they necessarily have a political dimension. The political, for its part, concerns the symbolic ordering of social relations, what Claude Lefort calls ‘the mise en scène’, ‘the mise en forme’ of human coexistence and this is where lies its aesthetic dimension.

The real issue concerns the possible forms of critical art, the different ways in which artistic practices can contribute to questioning the dominant hegemony. Once we accept that identities are never pre-given but that they are always the result of processes of identification, that they are discursively constructed, the question that arises is the type of identity that critical artistic practices should aim at fostering. Clearly those who advocate the creation of agonistic public spaces, where the objective is to unveil all that is repressed by the dominant consensus are going to envisage the relation between artistic practices and their public in a very different way than those whose objective is the creation of consensus, even if this consensus is seen as a critical one. According to the agonistic approach, critical art is art that foments dissensus, that makes visible what the dominant consensus tends to obscure and obliterate. It is constituted by a manifold of artistic practices aiming at giving a voice to all those who are silenced within the framework of the existing hegemony.

In my view this agonistic approach is particularly suited to grasp the nature of the new forms of artistic activism that have emerged recently and that, in a great variety of ways, aim at challenging the existing consensus. Those artistico-activist practices are of very different types, from a variety of new urban struggles like ‘Reclaim the streets’ in Britain or the ‘Tute Bianche’ in Italy to the ‘Stop advertizing’ campaigns in France and the ‘Nike Ground-Rethinking Space’ in Austria. We can find another example in the strategy of ‘identity correction’ of the Yes Men who appearing under different identities – for instance as representatives of the World Trade Organization develop a very effective satire of neo-liberal ideology.[6] Their aim is to target institutions fostering neo-liberalism at the expense of people’s well-being and to assume their identities in order to offer correctives. For instance the following text appeared in 1999 in a parody of the WTO website: ‘The World Trade Organization is a giant international bureaucracy whose goal is to help businesses by enforcing “free trade”: the freedom of transnationals to do business however they see fit. The WTO places this freedom above all other freedoms, including the freedom to eat, drink water, not eat certain things, treat the sick, protect the environment, grow your own crops, organize a trade union, maintain social services, govern, have a foreign policy. All those freedoms are under attack by huge corporations working under the veil of free trade, that mysterious right that we are told must trump all others.’[7] Some people mistook this false website for the real one and the Yes Men even managed to appear as WTO representatives in several international conferences where one of their satirical interventions consisted for instance in proposing a telematic worker-surveillance device in the shape of a yard-long golden phallus.

I submit that to grasp the political character of those varieties of artistic activism we need to see them as counter-hegemonic interventions whose objective is to occupy the public space in order to disrupt the smooth image that corporate capitalism is trying to spread, bringing to the fore its repressive character. Acknowledging the political dimension of such interventions supposes relinquishing the idea that to be political requires making a total break with the existing state of affairs in order to create something absolutely new. Today artists cannot pretend any more to constitute an avant-garde offering a radical critique, but this is not a reason to proclaim that their political role has ended. They still can play an important role in the hegemonic struggle by subverting the dominant hegemony and by contributing to the construction of new subjectivities. In fact this has always been their role and it is only the modernist illusion of the privileged position of the artist that has made us believe otherwise. Once this illusion is abandoned, jointly with the revolutionary conception of politics accompanying it, we can see that critical artistic practices represent an important dimension of democratic politics. This does not mean, though, as some seem to believe, that they could alone realize the transformations needed for the establishment of a new hegemony. As we argued in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy [8] a radical democratic politics calls for the articulation of different levels of struggles so as to create a chain of equivalence among them. For the ‘war of position’ to be successful, linkage with traditional forms of political intervention like parties and trade-unions cannot be avoided. It would be a serious mistake to believe that artistic activism could, on its own, bring about the end of neo-liberal hegemony.

[1] Luc Boltanski and Eve Chiapello, The New Spirit of Capitalism, Verso , London 2005

[2] Interview with André Gorz, Multitudes, No. 15, 2004, p. 209.

[3] Brian Holmes, ‘Artistic Autonomy’, www.u-tangente.org

[4] For a development of this ‘agonistic’ approach, see Chantal Mouffe, The Democratic Paradox, (London: Verso, 2000), chapter 4.

[5] Linda Zerilli, Feminism and the Abyss of Freedom, The University of Chicago Press, 2005, chapter 4.

[6] See for instance their book The Yes Men. The True Story of the End of the World Trade Organization published by The Disinformation Company Ltd, 2004

[7] The yesmen Group website

[8] Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Towards a Radical Democratic Politics (London: Verso, 1985, second edition 2001).

glynos 2

Glynos, Jason. in Carl Cederström and Casper Hoedemaekers (eds) Lacan and Organization London: MayFlyBooks, 2010

There is a general consensus in the literature that the mode of engagement associated with an ethics of ‘openness’ is to be preferred, especially when thinking critically about the political economy and about the transformation of the organization of work more specifically. What receives much less attention in this literature, however, are questions about

(1) what these alternative modes of engagement actually look like in practice; and (2) the conditions under which a transition is made from one to another mode of engagement.

There is of course considerable theoretical reflection on the concept of ethics in Lacan, which for many has become synonymous with the idea of ‘traversing the fantasy’. But there is a need to add to these ontological discussions a more robust ontical base by, for example, building up a corpus of empirical examples, exemplars, or paradigms of different sorts of ethical engagement associated with the ‘dissolution’ of the logic of fantasy. This would entail supplementing existing studies that furnish negative critiques of modes of engagement characterized by ‘closure’ with rich phenomenological accounts of what appears on the ‘other side’ of posited fantasmatic traversals.

What conditions and devices, for example, might promote a specifically democratic ethos in organizations akin to a Lacanianethics of the real’?

For a call to explore the relation between a radical democratic ethos and an ‘ethics of the real’, see Mouffe, C. (2000) The Democratic Paradox,(conclusion); on this, see also Glynos, J. (2003) ‘Radical democratic ethos, or, what is an authentic political act?’, Contemporary Political Theory, 2(2): 187-208.

fantasy glynos

Glynos, Jason. ” ” Carl Cederström and Casper Hoedemaekers (eds) Lacan and Organization London: MayFlyBooks, 2010 free download

The tendency of many poststructuralist approaches to highlight the importance of the political dimension of workplace practices signals a desire to eschew the idea that the economy is an extra-discursive force outside of, and acting upon, politics, culture, and society. On the contrary, such a poststructuralist perspective seeks to make explicit the idea that the economy is discursively constructed and thus contestable. The political dimension of workplace practices is thus theorized in a way that diverges from the way politics and power are often understood. The concept of the political is theorized not as a function of the way that power is distributed in the organization, where power is understood in terms of identifiable sovereign authority, capacities, resources, interests, structures, or a dispersed micro-physics of power. From the point of view of poststructuralist theory, the political dimension of a practice is understood in relation to a negative ontology, where to subscribe to a negative ontology means simply to affirm the absence of any positive ontological foundations for the subject (or, to put it differently, to affirm the radical contingency of social relations). Far from leading to a kind of free fall into relativism, such a perspective expands the scope and relevance of critical analysis because it emphasizes the situated, precarious, and thus potentially political, character of interests and structures themselves.

logic of fantasy

In a first approach we could say that the logic of fantasy names a narrative structure involving some reference to an idealized scenario promising an imaginary fullness or wholeness (the beatific side of fantasy) and, by implication, a disaster scenario (the horrific side of fantasy). This narrative structure will have a range of features, which will vary from context to context, of course, but one crucial element is the obstacle preventing the realization of one’s fantasmatic desire. In Lacanian psychoanalysis, realizing one’s fantasy is impossible because the subject (as a subject of desire) survives only insofar as its desire remains unsatisfied.

But the obstacle, which often comes in the form of a prohibition or a threatening Other, transforms this impossibility into a ‘mere difficulty’, thus creating the impression that its realization is at least potentially possible.

This gives rise to another important feature of fantasy, namely, its transgressive aspect: the subject secures a modicum of enjoyment by actively transgressing the ideals it officially affirms (see also Glynos, 2003a; 2008b), for example by trying to eliminate the identified obstacle through illicit means. In this view, there is a kind of complicity animating the relation between the official ideal and its transgressive enjoyment, since they rely on each other to sustain themselves. Fantasy, therefore, is not merely a narrative with its potentially infinite variations at the level of content, although it is of course this too. It also has a certain logic in which the subject’s very being is implicated: the disruption or dissolution of the logic leads to what Lacan calls the aphanisis, or vanishing, of the subject (as a subject of desire). In sum, the logic of a fantasmatic narrative is such that it structures the subject’s desire by presenting it with
an ideal,
an impediment to the realization of an ideal,
as well as the enjoyment linked to the transgression of an ideal.

This conception of fantasy can be readily linked to the literature in organizational studies. Several studies on employee cynicism, for example, suggest how transgressive acts can sometimes serve to stabilize an exploitative social practice, which they appear to subvert. Taking their cue from Michael Burawoy’s study of factory workers in Manufacturing Consent (1979), they draw the conclusion that informal games and cynical distance toward the control systems and company rules imposed by management often have the effect of sustaining the oppressive system which they ostensibly transgress. In a related vein, and referring to Gideon Kunda’s study of cynical workers in Engineering Culture (1992), Fleming and Spicer emphasise how ‘employees performed their roles flawlessly and were highly productive’
despite their recourse to ‘humour, the mocking of pompous official rituals and sneering cynicism’. They suggest how cynicism could help sustain employees’ belief that they are not mere cogs in a company machine, thereby allowing them to indulge in the fantasy that they are ‘special’ or ‘unique’ individuals (Fleming and Spicer, 2003: 164).

That such cynical-transgressive acts sustain the social practice being transgressed appears to be corroborated by studies, which show how personnel officers of many companies actually advise workers not to identify with corporate culture ideals too strongly, and to retain a healthy distance from the company script. These studies point to the normative and political significance of workplace fantasies. In fact recent developments in political discourse
theory bring into focus the critical potential of a Lacanian conception of fantasy by situating fantasmatic logics in relation to what have been called, following the work of Ernesto Laclau, social and political logics (Glynos and Howarth, 2007; see also Stavrakakis, 2007).

My claim here is that appeal to these logics helps make clearer the normative and ethical implications of the category of fantasy (see also Glynos, 2008a).

In general terms, the category of ‘logics’ seeks to capture the purposes, rules and self-understandings of a practice in a way that is sensitive to
the radical contingency of social relations, or what in Lacanian parlance is called ‘lack in the Other’. Logics thus furnish a language with which to characterize and critically explain the existence, maintenance, and transformation of practices, thus making the approach flexible enough to deal with the porous and shifting boundary of ‘work’ in a wide range of contemporary organizational practices. A practice is here understood in broad terms to comprise a network of activities and intersubjective relations, which is sufficiently individuated to allow us to talk about it meaningfully and which thus appears to cohere around a set of rules and/or other conditions of existence. In this view, a practice is always a discursive practice, which is meaningful and collectively sustained through the operation of three logics: social, political, and fantasmatic logics.

If social logics assist in the task of directly characterizing a practice along a synchronic axis, then political logics can be said to focus more on the
diachronic aspects of a practice, accounting for the way it has emerged or the way it is contested and/or transformed. And if political logics furnish us with the means to show how social practices come into being or are transformed, then fantasmatic logics disclose the way specific practices and regimes grip subjects ideologically (Glynos, 2001).

In the remainder of this section I continue to focus on the way the logic of fantasy sustains particular work relations and patterns. Fantasies supported by the prospect of big profits, generous pay packets, career advancement, consumption of prize commodities, and hobbies, are an obvious way to think about how patterns of work are affected and sustained by fantasies. But such fantasmatically-structured desires shape the nature and content of demands made by workers and by management, as well as the way they are responded to.

But in what way, more specifically, does fantasy sustain the existing political economy of work? One way of thinking about this is in relation to the political dimension of social relations. Insofar as fantasies prevent or make difficult the politicization of existing social relations, relations of subordination inclusive, one can say that fantasy helps reinforce the status quo. The logic of fantasy, then, can be construed as a narrative affirmed by workers, often unconsciously, preventing the contestation of suspect social norms, and making less visible possible counter-logics.

The claim here is that the more subjects are invested in fantasies, the more likely they are to read all aspects of their practice in terms of that fantasmatic narrative, and the less likely they are to ‘read for difference’. Counter-logics are precisely those potential alternative discursive patterns that inhere in the interstices of workplace practices that would provide a counterpoint to a dominant social logic. The subject tends to use fantasy as a way to protect itself from ambiguities, uncertainties, and other features which evoke intimations of anxiety. But it is precisely those ambiguities that open up possibilities for critical distance and alternative ‘becomings’. It thus becomes important to make explicit the normative framework that the researcher brings to the analysis and, through a process of articulation, to actively bring it into contact with those concrete alternatives residing in the practices themselves (Glynos and Howarth, 2007: 177-97).

The insights generated by such a Lacanian-inflected discursive approach to work and the organization may offer us a way to overcome some of the problems identified in approaches inspired by other psychoanalytic schools, and to generate a research programme intended to explore the links between ethics, fantasy, and normative critique in the study of organizations.17 Such a research programme would address
some fairly basic questions, which are important from the point of view of analysis and critique. For example: … how do the identified fantasies operate in such a way as to make less visible to the subjects themselves both the potential grievances and potential alternative ways of structuring workplace practice?

A specifically Lacanian critical political economy, then, would begin with the assumption that economic life is embedded in social and political relations, highlighting the complex and overdetermined character of economic relations and identities.

Here subjects are not only consumers, but ‘also citizens, students, workers, lovers, and parents, and the lives they live in each of these roles affects their involvement in the others’ (Best and Connolly, 1982: 39).

Noting that subjects are multiply affiliated is not uncommon in the literature of course. The observation, however, raises a question about how best to understand the ways in which multiple subject positions combine, separate, or dissolve. From this point of view it is possible to draw on the hermeneutical, post-marxist, post-structuralist work of Best and Connolly (1982), Resnick and Wolff (1987, 2005), Gibson-Graham (2006), Laclau and Mouffe (1985), Laclau (1990) and others, to articulate a connection to Lacanian psychoanalytic theory (see also Glynos and Howarth, 2007; Ozselcuk, 2006; Madra, 2006; Ozselcuk and Madra, 2005).

 

Such an exercise would help make a specifically Lacanian contribution to the critical political economy of work – a field which seeks to politicize dominant socio-economic arrangements, justifications of wealth and income inequality, as well as the various structures of accountability to stakeholders and the public at large (which secure and bolster the allegiance of those subject to such arrangements and structures).

[A] Lacanian-inflected political theory of discourse challenges the idea that such interests have a motivating force which is independent of the way they pass through the self-interpretations of subjects, thereby pointing to the fantasmatic and potentially political aspects of those interests.

Such an approach, therefore, shares an important affinity with those cultural economists who argue that ‘[t]he economy does not exist, out there, but is enacted and constituted through the practices, decisions, and conversations of everyday life’ (Deetz and Hegbloom)

Noting the central role that work plays in social life … A Lacanian-inflected approach would clearly focus on aspects of those practices that exhibit the presence of split subjectivity, the unconscious, and fantasy,

For a call to explore the relation between a radical democratic ethos and an ‘ethics of the real’, see Mouffe, C. (2000) The Democratic Paradox,(conclusion); on this, see also Glynos, J. (2003) ‘Radical democratic ethos, or, what is an authentic political act?’, Contemporary Political Theory, 2(2): 187-208.

hardt negri Žižek

Objet a as Inherent Limit to Capitalism: on Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri Also see Žižek’s The Parallax View page 266.

What makes Empire and Multitude such a refreshing reading (clearly the definitive exercises in Deleuzian politics) is that we are dealing with books which refer to and function as the moment of theoretical reflection of — one is almost tempted to say: are embedded in-an actual global movement of anti-capitalist resistance: one can sense, behind the written lines, the smells and sounds of Seattle, Genoa and Zapatistas. So their theoretical limitation is simultaneously the limitation of the actual movement.

Hardt’s and Negri’s basic move, an act which is by no means ideologically neutral (and, incidentally, which is totally foreign to their philosophical paradigm, Deleuze!), is to identify (to name) “democracy” as the common denominator of all today’s emancipatory movements: “The common currency that runs throughout so many struggles and movements for liberation across the world today – at local, regional, and global levels – is the Till now, desire for democracy.”

Far from standing for a utopian dream, democracy is “the only answer to the vexing questions of our day, /…/ the only way out of our state of perpetual conflict and war.”

Not only is democracy inscribed into the present antagonisms as an immanent telos of their resolution; even more, today, the rise of the multitude in the heart of capitalism “makes democracy possible for the first time”

Till now, democracy was constrained by the form of the One, of the sovereign state power; “absolute democracy” (“the rule of everyone by everyone, a democracy without qualifiers, without ifs or buts,” only becomes possible when “the multitude is finally able to rule itself.”

For Marx, highly organized corporate capitalism already was “socialism within capitalism” (a kind of socialization of capitalism, with the absent owners becoming more and more superfluous), so that one only needs to cut the nominal head off and we get socialism. For Negri and Hardt, however, the limitation of Marx was that he was historically constrained to the centralized and hierarchically organized machinical automatized industrial labor, which is why their vision of “general intellect” was that of a central planning agency; it is only today, with the rise of the “immaterial labor” to the hegemonic role, that the revolutionary reversal becomes “objectively possible.”

This immaterial labor extends between the two poles of intellectual (symbolic) labor (production of ideas, codes, texts, programs, figures: writers, programmers…) and affective labor (those who deal with our bodily affects: from doctors to baby-sitters and flight attendants). Today, immaterial labor is “hegemonic” in the precise sense in which Marx proclaimed that, in 19th century capitalism, large industrial production is hegemonic as the specific color giving its tone to the totality – not quantitatively, but playing the key, emblematic structural role: “What the multitude produces is not just goods or services; the multitude also and most importantly produces cooperation, communication, forms of life, and social relationships.”

What thereby emerges is a new vast domain the “common”: shared knowledge, forms of cooperation and communication, etc., which can no longer be contained by the form of private property. This, then, far from posing a mortal threat to democracy (as conservative cultural critics want us to believe), opens up a unique chance of “absolute democracy”.

Why? In immaterial production, the products are no longer material objects, but new social (interpersonal) relations themselves – in short, immaterial production is directly biopolitical, the production of social life. It was already Marx who emphasized how material production is always also the (re)production of the social relations within which it occurs; with today’s capitalism, however, the production of social relations is the immediate end/goal of production: “Such new forms of labor /…/ present new possibilities for economic self-management, since the mechanisms of cooperation necessary for production are contained in the labor itself.”

The wager of Hardt and Negri is that this directly socialized, immaterial production not only renders owners progressively superfluous (who needs them when production is directly social, formally and as to its content?); the producers also master the regulation of social space, since social relations (politics) IS the stuff of their work: economic production directly becomes political production, the production of society itself. The way is thus open for “absolute democracy,” for the producers directly regulating their social relations without even the detour of democratic representation.

There is a whole series of concrete questions that this vision gives rise to. Can one really interpret this move towards the hegemonic role of immaterial labor as the move from production to communication, to social interaction … ?

How does this “politicization” of production, where production directly produces (new) social relations, affect the very notion of politics? Is such an “administration of people” (subordinated to the logic of profit) still politics, or is it the most radical sort of depoliticization, the entry into “post-politics?”

And, last but not least, is democracy by necessity, with regard to its very notion, non-absolute? There is no democracy without a hidden, presupposed elitism. Democracy is, by definition, not “global”; it HAS to be based on values and/or truths which one cannot select “democratically.” In democracy, one can fight for truth, but not decide what IS truth.

As Claude Lefort and others amply demonstrated, democracy is never simply representative in the sense of adequately re-presenting (expressing) a pre-existing set of interests, opinions, etc., since these interests and opinions are constituted only through such representation. In other words, the democratic articulation of an interest is always minimally performative: through their democratic representatives, people establish what their interests and opinions are. As Hegel already knew, “absolute democracy” could only actualize itself in the guise of its “oppositional determination,” as terror.

There is, thus, a choice to be made here: do we accept democracy’s structural, not just accidental, imperfection, or do we also endorse its terrorist dimension?

However, much more pertinent is another critical point which concerns Negri and Hardt’s neglect of the FORM in the strict dialectical sense of the term.

Negri and Hardt continuously oscillate between their fascination by the global capitalism’s “deterritorializing” power, and the rhetoric of the struggle of the multitude against the One of the capitalist power. The financial capital with its wild speculations detached from the reality of material labor, this standard bete noire of the traditional Left, is celebrated as the germ of the future, capitalism’s most dynamic and nomadic aspect.

The organizational forms of today’s capitalism – decentralization of the decision-making, radical mobility and flexibility, interaction of multiple agents – are perceived as pointing towards the oncoming reign of the multitude. It is as if everything is already here, in the “postmodern” capitalism, or, in Hegelese, the passage from In-itself to For-itself – all that is needed is just an act of purely formal conversion, like the one developed by Hegel apropos the struggle between Enlightenment and Faith, where he describes how the “silent, ceaseless weaving of the Spirit”

infiltrates the noble parts through and through and soon has taken complete possession of all the vitals and members of the unconscious idol; then ‘one fine morning it gives its comrade a shove with the elbow, and bang! crash! the idol lies on the floor.’ On ‘one fine morning’ whose noon is bloodless if the infection has penetrated to every organ of spiritual life.

Even the fashionable parallel with the new cognitivist notion of human psyche is not missing here: in the same way brain sciences teach us how there is no central Self in the brain, how our decisions emerge out of the interaction of a pandemonium of local agents, how our psychic life is an “autopoietic” process which, without any imposed centralizing agency (a model which, incidentally, is explicitly based on the parallel with today’s “decentralized” capitalism). So the new society of the multitude which rules itself will be like today’s cognitivist notion of the ego as a pandemonium of interacting agents with no central deciding Self running the show… However, although Negri and Hardt see today’s capitalism as the main site of the proliferating multitudes, they continue to rely on the rhetorics of the One, the sovereign Power, against the multitude; how they bring these two aspects together is clear: while capitalism generates multitudes, it contains them in the capitalist form, thereby unleashing a demon it is unable to control.

The question to be asked here is nonetheless if Hardt and Negri do not commit a mistake homologous to that of Marx: is their notion of the pure multitude ruling itself not the ultimate capitalist fantasy, the fantasy of capitalism self-revolutionizing perpetual movement freely exploding when freed of its inherent obstacle?

In other words, is the capitalist FORM (the form of the appropriation of surplus-value) not the necessary form, formal frame/condition, of the self-propelling productive movement?

Consequently, when Negri and Hardt repeatedly emphasize how “this is a philosophical book,” and warn the reader “do not expect our book to answer the question, What is to be done? or propose a concrete program of action,” this constraint is not as neutral as it may appear: it points towards a fundamental theoretical flaw. After describing multiple forms of resistance to the Empire, Multitude ends with a messianic note pointing towards the great Rupture, the moment of Decision when the movement of multitudes will be transubstantiated the sudden birth of a new world: “After this long season of violence and contradictions, global civil war, corruption of imperial biopower, and infinite toil of the biopolitical multitudes, the extraordinary accumulations of grievances and reform proposals must at some point be transformed by a strong event, a radical insurrectional demand.”

However, at this point when one expects a minimum theoretical determination of this rupture, what we get is again withdrawal into philosophy: “A philosophical book like this, however, is not the place for us to evaluate whether the time for revolutionary political decision is imminent.” Negri and Hardt perform here an all to quick jump: of course one cannot ask them to provide a detailed empirical description of the Decision, of the passage to the globalized “absolute democracy,” to the multitude that rules itself; however, what if this a justified refusal to engage in pseudo-concrete futuristic predictions masks an inherent notional deadlock/impossibility?

That is to say, what one does and should expect is a description of the notional structure of this qualitative jump, of the passage from the multitudes RESISTING the One of sovereign Power to the multitudes directly RULING themselves.

Leaving the notional structure of this passage in a darkness elucidated only by vague homologies and examples from the movements of resistance cannot but raise the anxious suspicion that this self-transparent direct rule of everyone over everyone, this democracy tout court, will coincide with its opposite.

Negri and Hardt are right in rendering problematic the standard Leftist revolutionary notion of “taking power”: such a strategy accepts the formal frame of the power structure and aims merely at replacing one bearer of power (“them”) with another (“us”). As it was fully clear to Lenin in his State and Revolution, the true revolutionary aim is not to “take power,” but to undermine, disintegrate, the very apparatuses of state power. Therein resides the ambiguity of the “postmodern” Leftist calls to abandon the program of “taking power”: do they imply that one should ignore the existing power structure, or, rather, limit oneself to resisting it by way of constructing alternative spaces outside the state power network (the Zapatista strategy in Mexico); or do they imply that one should disintegrate, pull the ground of, the state power, so that the state power will simply collapse, implode? In the second case, the poetic formulas about the multitude immediately ruling itself do not suffice.

Hardt and Negri conform here a sort of triad whose other two terms are Ernesto Laclau and Giorgio Agamben. The ultimate difference between Laclau and Agamben concerns the structural inconsistency of power: while they both insist on this inconsistency, their position towards it is exactly opposite. Agamben’s focusing on the vicious circle of the link between legal power (the rule of Law) and violence is sustained by the messianic utopian hope that it is possible to radically break this circle and step out of it (in an act of the Benjaminian “divine violence”). In The Coming Community, he refers to Saint Thomas’s answer to the difficult theological question: What happens to the souls of unbaptized babies who have died in ignorance of both sin and God? They committed no sin, so their punishment

cannot be an afflictive punishment, like that of hell, but only a punishment of privation that consists in the perpetual lack of the vision of God. The inhabitants of limbo, in contrast to the damned, do not feel pain from this lack: /…/ they do not know that they are deprived of the supreme good. /…/ The greatest punishment – the lack of the vision of God – thus turns into a natural joy: irremediably lost, they persist without pain in divine abandon.

Their fate is for Agamben the model of redemption: they “have left the world of guilt and justice behind them: the light that rains down on them is that irreparable light of the dawn following the novissima dies of judgment. But the life that begins on earth after the last day is simply human life.” (One cannot but recall here the crowd of humans who remain on stage at the end of Wagner’s Twilight of Gods, silently witnessing the self-destruction of gods – what if they are the happy ones?) And, mutatis mutandis, the same goes for Negri and Hardt who perceive resistance to power as preparing the ground for a miraculous LEAP into “absolute democracy” in which multitude will directly rule itself – at this point, the tension will be resolved, freedom will explodes into eternal self-proliferation.

The difference between Agamben and Negri and Hardt could be best apprehended by means of the good old Hegelian distinction between abstract and determinate negation: although Negri and Hardt are even more anti-Hegelian than Agamben, their revolutionary LEAP remains an act of “determinate negation,” the gesture of formal reversal, of merely setting free the potentials developed in global capitalism which already is a kind of “Communism-in-itself”; in contrast to them, Agamben – and, again, paradoxically, in spite of his animosity to Adorno – outlines the contours of something which is much closer to the utopian longing for the ganz Andere (wholly Other) in late Adorno, Horkheimer and Marcuse, to a redemptive leap into a non-mediated Otherness.

Laclau and Mouffe, on the contrary, propose a new version of the old Edouard Bernstein’s arch-revisionist motto “goal is nothing, movement is all”: the true danger, the temptation to be resisted, is the very notion of a radical cut by means of which the basic social antagonism will be dissolved and the new era of a self-transparent non-alienated society will arrive. For Laclau and Mouffe, such a notion disavows not only the Political as such, the space of antagonisms and struggle for hegemony, but the fundamental ontological finitude of the human condition as such – which is why, any attempt to actualize such a leap has to end up in a totalitarian disaster.

What this means is that the only way to elaborate and practice livable particular political solutions is to admit the global a priori deadlock: we can only solve particular problems against the background of the irreducible global deadlock. Of course, this is no way entails that political agents should limit themselves to solving particular problems, abandoning the topic of universality: for Laclau and Mouffe, universality is impossible and at the same time necessary, i.e., there is no direct “true” universality, every universality is always-already caught into the hegemonic struggle, it is an empty form hegemonized (filled in) by some particular content which, at a given moment and in a given conjuncture, functions as its stand-in.

Are, however, these two approaches really as radically opposed as it may appear? Does Laclau and Mouffe’s edifice not also imply its own utopian point: the point at which political battles would be fought without remainders of “essentialism,” all sides fully accepting the radically contingent character of their endeavors and the irreductible character of social antagonisms.

On the other hand, Agamben’s position is also not without its secret advantages: since, with today’s biopolitics, the space of political struggle is closed and any democratic-emancipatory movements are meaningless, we cannot do anything but comfortably wait for the miraculous explosion of the “divine violence.” As for Negri and Hardt, they bring us back to the Marxist confidence that “history is on our side,” that historical development is already generating the form of the Communist future.

If anything, the problem with Negri and Hardt is that they are TOO MUCH Marxists, taking over the underlying Marxist scheme of historical progress: like Marx, they celebrate the “deterritorializing” revolutionary potential of capitalism; like Marx, they locate the contradiction within capitalism, in the gap between this potential and the form of the capital, of the private-property appropriation of the surplus. In short, they rehabilitate the old Marxist notion of the tension between productive forces and the relations of production: capitalism already generates the “germs of the future new form of life,” it incessantly produces the new “common,” so that, in a revolutionary explosion, this New should just be liberated from the old social form.

However, precisely as Marxists, on behalf of our fidelity to Marx’s work, we should discern the mistake of Marx: he perceived how capitalism unleashed the breath-taking dynamics of self-enhancing productivity – see his fascinated descriptions of how, in capitalism, “all things solid melt into thin air,” of how capitalism is the greatest revolutionizer in the entire history of humanity; on the other hand, he also clearly perceived how this capitalist dynamics is propelled by its own inner obstacle or antagonism – the ultimate limit of capitalism (of the capitalist self-propelling productivity) is the Capital itself, i.e. the capitalist incessant development and revolutionizing of its own material conditions, the mad dance of its unconditional spiral of productivity, is ultimately nothing but a desperate flight forward to escape its own debilitating inherent contradiction…

Marx’s fundamental mistake was to conclude, from these insights, that a new, higher social order (Communism) is possible, an order that would not only maintain, but even raise to a higher degree and effectively fully release the potential of the self-increasing spiral of productivity which, in capitalism, on account of its inherent obstacle (“contradiction”), is again and again thwarted by socially destructive economic crises.

In short, what Marx overlooked is that, to put it in the standard Derridean terms, this inherent obstacle/antagonism as the “condition of impossibility” of the full deployment of the productive forces is simultaneously its “condition of possibility”: if we abolish the obstacle, the inherent contradiction of capitalism, we do not get the fully unleashed drive to productivity finally delivered of its impediment, but we lose precisely this productivity that seemed to be generated and simultaneously thwarted by capitalism – if we take away the obstacle, the very potential thwarted by this obstacle dissipates… (Therein would reside a possible Lacanian critique of Marx, focusing on the ambiguous overlapping between surplus-value and surplus-jouissance).

So the critics of Communism were in a way right when they claimed that the Marxian Communism is an impossible fantasy – what they did not perceive is that the Marxiam Communism, this notion of a society of pure unleashed productivity outside the frame of Capital, was a fantasy inherent to capitalism itself, the capitalist inherent transgression at its purest, a strictly ideological fantasy of maintaining the thrust to productivity generated by capitalism, while getting rid of the “obstacles” and antagonisms that were – as the sad experience of the “really existing capitalism” demonstrates – the only possible framework of the effective material existence of a society of permanent self-enhancing productivity.

So where, precisely, did Marx go wrong with regard to the surplus-value?

One is tempted to search for an answer in the key Lacanian distinction between the object of desire and the surplus-enjoyment as its cause.

Recall the curl of the blond hair, this fatal detail of Madeleine in Hitchcock’s Vertigo. When, in the love scene in the barn towards the end of the film, Scottie passionately embraces Judy refashioned into the dead Madeleine, during their famous 360-degree kiss, he stops kissing her and withdraws just long enough to steal a look at her newly blond hair, as if to reassure himself that the particular feature which makes her into the object of desire is still there…

So there is always a gap between the object of desire itself and its cause, the mediating feature or element that makes this object desirable.

And, back to Marx: what if his mistake was also to assume that the object of desire (the unconstrained expanding productivity) would remain even when deprived of the cause that propels it (the surplus-value)?

The same holds even more for Deleuze, since he develops his theory of desire in direct opposition to the Lacanian one. Deleuze asserts the priority of desire over its objects: desire is a positive productive force which exceeds its objects, a living flow proliferating through the multitude of objects, penetrating them and passing through them, in no need of any fundamental lack or “castration” that would serve as its foundation.

For Lacan, however, desire has to be sustained by an object-cause: not some primordial incestuous Lost Object on which desire remains forever transfixed and whose unsatisfying substitutes all other objects are, but a purely formal object which causes us to desire objects that we encounter in reality.

This object-cause of desire is thus not transcendent, the inaccessible excess forever eluding our grasp, but behind the subject’s back, something that from within directs desiring.

And, as is the case with Marx, it is Deleuze’s failure to take into account this object-cause that sustains the illusory vision of unconstrained productivity of desire – or, in the case of Hardt and Negri, the illusory vision of multitude ruling itself, no longer constrained by any totalizing One. We can observe here the catastrophic political consequences of the failure to develop what may appear a purely academic, “philosophical,” notional distinction.

Notes:

Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Multitude, New York: The Penguin Press, 2004
G.W.F. Hegel, Phenomenology of the Spirit, Oxford; OUP, 1977.
G. Agamben, The Coming Community, Minneapolis: MUP, 1993.

This is also why Negri and Hardt’s reference to Bakhtin’s notion of carnival as the model for the protest movement of the multitude-they are carnevalesque not only in their form and atmosphere (theatrical performances, chants, humorous songs), but also in their non-centralized organization-is deeply problematic: is late capitalist social reality itself not already carnevalesque? Furthermore, is “carnival” not also the name for the obscene underside of power-from gang rapes to mass lynchings? Let us not forget that Bakhtin developed the notion of carnival in his book on Rabelais written in the 1930s, as a direct reply to the carnival of the Stalinist purges.

master signifier

Slavoj Zizek: What is a Master-Signifier

By Rex Butler

http://www.lacan.com/zizek-signifier.htm

[…]

And what Laclau and Mouffe’s ‘radical democracy’ marks is this paradox whereby the very success of a signifier in casting its light over others is also its failure, because it can do so only at the cost of increasingly emptying itself of any determinate meaning, or because in doing so it can always be shown not to be truly universal, to leave something out.

What this means is that, because there is no underlying society to give expression to, each master-signifier works not because it is some pre-existing fullness that already contains all of the meanings attributed to it, but because it is empty, just that place from which to see the ‘equivalence’ of other signifiers. It is not some original reserve that holds all of its significations in advance, but only what is retrospectively recognized as what is being referred to. Thus, to take the example of ‘democracy’, it is not some concept common to the liberal notion of democracy, which asserts the autonomy of the individual over the State, and the socialist notion of democracy, which can only be guaranteed by a Party representing the interests of the People. It is not a proper solution to argue either that the socialist definition travesties true democracy or that the socialist alternative is the only authentic form of democracy. Rather, the only adequate way to define ‘democracy’ is to include all political movements and orientations that legitimate themselves by reference to ‘democracy’ – and which are ultimately defined only by their differential relationship to ‘non-democracy’. As Zizek writes:

The only possible definition of an object in its identity is that this is the object which is always designated by the same signifier – tied to the same signifier. It is the signifier which constitutes the kernel of the object’s ‘identity’. (SO, 98)

In other words, what is crucial in any analysis of ideology is to detect, behind the apparently transcendental meaning of the element holding it together, this tautological, performative, fundamentally self-referential operation, in which it is not so much some pre-existing meaning that things refer to as an empty signifier that is retrospectively seen as what is being referred to. This ideological point de capiton or master-signifier is not some underlying unity but only the difference between elements, only what its various mentions have in common: the signifier itself as pure difference (SO, 99).

Laclau and Mouffe’s ‘radical democracy’ is a recognition that ideological struggle is an attempt to ‘hegemonize’ the social field: to be that one element that not only is part of the social field but also quilts or gives sense to all the others – or, in Hegelian terms, to be that ‘species which is its own universal kind’ (SO, 89). But, if this is the way ideology works, it is also this contingency, the notion that the meaning of any ideological term is fundamentally empty, not given in itself but able to be interpreted in various ways, that Laclau and Mouffe argue for. That is, ‘radical democracy’ would be not only one of the actual values within the ideological field, but also that in which other values recognize themselves, that for which other values stand in. It would be not only one of the competing values within the ideological struggle, but would speak of the very grounds of this struggle. As Zizek writes:

The dialectical paradox [of ‘radical democracy’] lies in the fact that the particular struggle playing a hegemonic role, far from enforcing a violent suppression of differences, opens the very space for the relative autonomy of particular struggles: the feminist struggle, for example, is made possible only through reference to democratic-egalitarian political discourse. (SO, 88-9)

It is with something like this paradox that we can see Zizek grappling in his first two books. In Sublime Object, he thinks that it is only through the attempt to occupy the position of metalanguage that we are able to show the impossibility of doing so (SO, 156) and the phallus as what ‘gives body to a certain fundamental loss in its very presence’ (SO, 157). In For They Know Not, he thinks the king as guaranteeing the ‘non-closure of the social’ insofar as he is the ‘place-holder of the void’ (TK, 267) and the ‘name’ as what by standing in for the New is able to preserve it (TK, 271-3). And, in a way, Zizek will never cease this complicated gesture of thinking the void through what takes its place. In this sense, his work remains profoundly indebted to the lesson of Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. But in terms of Laclau and Mouffe’s specific project of ‘radical democracy’, Zizek’s work is marked by an increasing distance taken towards it. In “Enjoyment within the Limits of Reason Alone”, his Foreword to the second edition of For They Know Not, he will speak of wanting to get rid of the ‘remnants of the liberal-democratic stance’ of his earlier thought, which ‘oscillates between Marxism proper and praise of ‘pure democracy’ (TK, xviii). And, undoubtedly, Zizek’s work becomes more explicitly Marxist after his first two books. But, more profoundly, this change in political orientation is linked to certain difficulties he begins to have with Laclau and Mouffe’s notion of ‘hegemony’ itself. They might be summarized as: if political struggle is defined as the contest to put forward that master-signifierwhich quilts the rest of the ideological field, then what is it that keeps open that frame within which these substitutions take place? What is it that ‘radical democracy’ does not speak of that allows the space for their mutual contestation? As Zizek writes later in Contingency, Hegemony, Universality, we need to ‘distinguish more explicitly between contingency/substitutability within a certain historical horizon and the more fundamental exclusion/foreclosure that grounds this very horizon’ (CHU, 108). And this leads to Zizek’s second major criticism of Laclau and Mouffe: that for all of their emphasis on the openness and contingency of signification, the way the underlying antagonism of society is never to be resolved, nothing is really contemplated happening in their work; no fundamental alteration can actually take place. There is a kind of ‘resignation’ in advance at the possibility of truly effecting radical change, a Kantian imperative that we cannot go too far, cannot definitively fill the void of the master-signifier, cannot know the conditions of political possibility, without losing all freedom (CHU, 93, 316-7).

But, again, what exactly are Zizek’s objections to Laclau and Mouffe’s notion of ‘radical democracy’? And why is Marxism seen as the solution to them? As we have said, underlying the project of radical democracy is a recognition that society does not exist, cannot be rendered whole. It cannot be rendered whole not because of some empirical excess but because any supposed unity is only able to be guaranteed from some point outside of it, because the master-signifier that gathers together the free-floating ideological elements stands in for a void. As with the order of language, this empty signifier or signifier without signified is the way for a self-contained, synchronic system, in which the meaning of each element is given by its relationship to every other, to signify its own outside, the enigma of its origin (TK, 198). This means that any potential master-signifier is connected to a kind of hole or void that cannot be named, which all the elements stand in for and which is not defined by its relationship to others but is comparable only to itself: objet a. But for Zizek, finally, Laclau and Mouffe’s ‘radical democracy’ remains too much within an horizon simply defined by these elements. It does not do enough to think that frame which allows their exchangeability. More importantly, it does not do enough to change this frame, to bring what is excluded from it inside. It is not, in other words, that true ‘concrete universality’, in which the genus meets itself amongst its species in the form of its opposite (CHU, 99-101). For Zizek, it is not ‘radical democracy’ but only ‘class struggle’ that is able to do this, that is able to signal this antagonism – void – that sutures the various ideological elements. It is only ‘class struggle’ that is at once only one of the competing master-signifiers – class, race, gender – and that antagonism to which every master-signifier is an attempt to respond (CHU, 319-20).

Of course, at this point several questions are raised, to which we will return towards the end of this chapter and in Chapter 5. First of all, how fair are Zizek’s accusations against Laclau and Mouffe when, as we have seen, radical democracy just is this attempt to think that ‘void’ that allows all requiltings, including that of ‘radical democracy’ itself? Is Zizek in his advocacy of ‘class struggle’ only continuing the principle already at stake in ‘radical democracy’? Is he not with his insistence on ‘class struggle’ merely proposing another requilting of ‘radical democracy’, another renaming of the same principle? And yet, Zizek insists, it is only in this way that we can truly bring out what is at stake in ‘radical democracy’. It is only in this way that we can make clear that no master-signifier is final, that every attempt to speak of the void is subject to further redefinition. It is only in this way that the process of contesting each existing master-signifier can be extended forever. (It is for this reason that Zizek will accuse Laclau in Contingency, Hegemony, Universality of a kind of Kantian ‘formalism’ (CHU, 111-2, 316-8), of excepting a transcendental, ahistorical space from the consequences of his own logic.) And yet, if Zizek challenges Laclau and Mouffe’s ‘radical democracy’ on the basis of ‘class’, class is not exactly what he is talking about but would only stand in for it. As we have already seen, class is not to be named as such because the very effect of its presence is that it is always missed. In this sense, class is both master-signifier and objet a, both master-signifier and what contests the master-signifier, both that void the master-signifier speaks of and that void the master-signifier covers over. Is there not therefore a similar ‘resignation’ or failure in Zizek, a continual falling short of that act that would break with the symbolic and its endless substitution? Or is this ‘failure’ only the symbolic itself? Is Zizek finally not proposing an end to the symbolic but rather insisting on the necessity of thinking its ‘transcendental’ conditions, the taking into account of that ‘outside’ that makes it possible?

Accordingly, in this chapter we look at how the master-signifier works. We examine the ways in which Zizek takes it further than Laclau and Mouffe’s similar notion of the hegemonic ‘universal signifier’. And how he takes it further – to begin to head toward those issues we have previously signalled – is that it is not a mere extension of an existing concept tending towards emptiness, but is ’empty’ from the very beginning, a pure ‘doubling’ of what is. That is, implicit in the idea of the master-signifier is that it is not so much an empirical observation that comes out of the world or a formal structure that precedes it as what at once makes the world over in its image and is the secret explanation of the world just as it is; something that is neither to be verified or refuted but, as we saw in Chapter 1 with regard to class and the unconscious, is its own absence or difference from itself. And it is for this reason that later in this chapter we look at the relationship of this master-signifier to objet a around two privileged examples in Zizek’s work: the figure of the ‘shark’ in the film Jaws and the ‘Jew’ in anti-Semitism. In both cases, we can see that objet a that is behind the master-signifier and that allows us to recoup its difference from itself, to say that all its variants speak of the same thing. And this will lead us to the innovative aspect of Zizek’s treatment of ideology: his analysis of how a certain ‘distance’ – or what he calls ‘enjoyment’ – is necessary for its functioning. It is a distance we already find with regard to Jaws and Jews; but it can also be seen as a feature of ideological interpellation, as analysed by Althusser. Finally, following on from this, in the last section of this chapter, we pursue the idea that there is always a certain necessary openness by which we are able to contest any ideological closure, that the same element that sutures the ideological field also desutures it, that we are always able to find a species within it that is more universal than its genus. This again is the ambiguity of objet a as at once what indicates that void at the origin of the symbolic constitution of society and what stands in for it. And it is this that leads us towards Chapter 3, which raises the question of objet aas that act that would break or suspend the symbolic order of the master-signifier.

Some examples of the master-signifier

So what is a master-signifier and how does it operate in ideology? In order to answer this question, let us begin, perhaps surprisingly, with three examples taken from the realm not of politics but of art. In the chapter “The Wanton Identity” from For They Know Not, in the middle of a discussion of what he calls the ‘re-mark’, Zizek speaks of the famous third movement of the Serenade in B flat major, KV 361, by Mozart. In it, a beautiful introductory melody, played by the winds, is joined by another, played by the oboe and clarinet. At first, this second melody appears to be the accompaniment to the first, but after a while we realize that this first is in fact the accompaniment to the second, which as it were ‘descends ‘from above’ (TK, 76-7). Zizek then considers the well-known ‘bird’s eye’ shot of Bodega Bay in flames during the attack of the birds in Hitchcock’s film The Birds. We have what initially appears to be an unclaimed point of view, but at first one bird, then another, and then another, enters the screen, until there is a whole flock hovering there before us. We soon realize that those birds, which originally appeared to be the subject of the shot, much more disquietingly provide its point of view (TK, 77). Finally, Zizek looks at what appears to be the reverse of this procedure, the opening scene of Francis Ford Coppola’s espionage thriller, The Conversation. The film begins with a seemingly conventional establishing shot of workers in a square during their lunch break, over which play random snatches of conversation. It is not until the end of the film that we realize that what we took to be mere background noise there holds the key to the plot (and to the survival of the agent who recorded it): the bugging of a furtive lunchtime liaison of an adulterous couple and their plans to murder the woman’s husband (TK, 77).

There is a surprising turnaround in each case here – close to what a number of contemporary theorists have characterized as simulation – but we should try to explain in more detail how this ‘reversal’ actually occurs. In each case, we can see that it works neither by adding something to the original, proposing some complement to it, nor by inverting the original, suggesting some alternative to it. In Mozart, that second melodic line is not a variation upon or even the counterpoint to the first. In The Birds, we never see whose point of view the ‘bird’s eye’ shot represents. In The Conversation, no one is sure until the end of the film what the significance of the conversation is. The ‘re-mark’ does not so much ‘add’ as ‘subtract’ something – or, more subtly, we might say that it adds a certain ‘nothing’. What the addition of that second, ‘re-marking’ element reveals is that something is missing from the first, that what was originally given is incomplete. That order we initially took to be self-evident, ‘unre-marked’, is shown to be possible only because of another. That place from which the world is seen is reflected back into the world – and the world cannot be realized without it (TK, 13). Or, to put this another way, the world is understood not merely to be but to signify, to belong to a symbolic economy, to be something whose presence can only be grasped against the potential absence or background of another (TK, 22).

Thus, to return to our examples, the genius of Mozart in the third movement of the Serenade is not that the second motif retrospectively converts the first into a variant of it, but that it suggests that both are ultimately variants of another, not yet given, theme. It reveals that the notes that make up the first are precisely not other notes, for example, but only for example, those of the second. This is the ‘divine’ aspect of Mozart’s music: it is able to imply that any given musical motif only stands in for another, as yet unheard one that is greater than anything we could imagine. And this is the genius of Hitchcock too in The Birds (of which The Conversation is an aural variant), for in that Bodega Bay sequence the ultimate point of view is not that of the birds but that of off-screen space itself, for which the birds are only substitutes. Indeed, the French film theorist Pascal Bonitzer speaks of this ‘doubling’ or ‘re-marking’ of what is in terms of the ‘gaze’ in the essay ‘Hitchcockian Suspense’ he writes for the Zizek-edited collection Everything You Always Wanted to Know. He begins by conjuring up that archetypal scene from early cinema, in which we see a young nanny pushing a pram being courted by an amorous soldier in a park. He then speaks of the way that, signalled by an intervening crime, what at first seemed innocent and sentimental becomes:

Troubled, doubled, distorted and ‘hollowed out’ by a second signification, which is cruel and casts back every gesture on to a face marked by derision and the spirit of the comic and macabre, which brings out the hidden face of simple gestures, the face of nothingness. (H, 20)

That is, the soldier and the nanny can now be seen to be playing a dangerous and ambiguous game: the nanny wishing to drown the baby, the soldier dreaming of assaulting the nanny. But, again, the crucial aspect here is that none of this actually has to happen, nor does the crime even have to take place. The peculiar form of Hitchcockian ‘suspense’ lies in what is left out of the scene, what does not happen; this other place or possibility – which we might call the ‘death’s head’ (H, 20) of the gaze – for which what we do see stands in.

It is this reversal of meaning that we also have in Zizek’s other examples of the master-signifier in For They Know Not, which is that book of his where he deals most extensively, as he says, ‘on the One’ (TK, 7-60). The first is the notorious Dreyfus Affair, which in 1898 saw an innocent Jewish captain of the French Army, Alfred Dreyfus, sent to Devil’s Island for being part of a plot to overthrow the government of the day. It is an episode that even now has its effects: the separation of Church and State in modern democracies, Socialist collaboration in reformist governments, the birth of both Zionism and right-wing populist political movements. The decisive incident of the whole affair, argues Zizek, did not occur when we might at first think, during that moment when Dreyfus was initially accused and then vigorously defended by the writer Zola, when the facts were weighed up and appeals made to the rule of law. Rather, the turning point came later, when all was seemingly lost for the anti-Dreyfus forces, when the evidence seemed most stacked against them. It was the episode in which the Chief of French Intelligence, Lieutenant Colonel Henry, who had just been arrested for forging documents implicating Dreyfus, committed suicide in his cell. Of course, to an unbiased observer, this could not but look like an admission of guilt. Nevertheless, it was at this point that the decisive intervention occurred. It was that of the little-known journalist Charles Maurras who, outwitting his better credentialled opponents, argued that this action by Henry was not evidence against the plot in which Dreyfus was implicated but evidence for. That is, looked at in the right way – and here the connection with Hitchcock’s notion of the ‘gaze’ – Henry’s forgery and suicide were not an admission of guilt but, on the contrary, the heroic actions of a man who, knowing the judiciary and press were corrupt, made a last desperate attempt to get his message out to the people in a way they could not prevent. As Zizek says of Maurras’ masterstroke: ‘It looked at things in a way no one had thought or dared to look’ (TK, 28) – and, we might even say, what Maurras added, like Hitchcock, is just this look itself; what he makes us see is that Henry’s actions were meant for our look and cannot be explained outside of it.

We find the same sudden reversal of meaning – the same turning of defeat into victory – in our next example from For They Know Not. It is that of St Paul, the founder of the Christian Church. How is it, we might ask, that St Paul was able to ‘institutionalize’ Christianity, give it its ‘definitive contours’ (TK, 78), when so many others had tried and failed before him? What is it that he did to ensure that Christ’s Word endured, would not be lost and in a way could not be lost? As Zizek writes, in a passage that should remind us of what we said in our Introduction about how the messages of our great philosophers cannot be superseded or distorted:

He (St Paul) did not add any new content to the already-existing dogmas – all he did was to re-mark as the greatest triumph, as the fulfilment of Christ’s supreme mission (reconciliation of God with mankind), what was before experienced as traumatic loss (the defeat of Christ’s mundane mission, his infamous death on the cross) . . . ‘Reconciliation’ does not convey any kind of miraculous healing of the wound of scission; it consists solely in a reversal of perspective by means of which we perceive how the scission is already in itself reconciliation. To accomplish ‘reconciliation’ we do not have to ‘overcome’ the scission, we just have to re-mark it. (TK, 78)

We might say that, if St Paul discovers or institutes the word of Christ here, it is in its properly Symbolic sense. For what he brings about is a situation in which the arguments used against Christ (the failure of His mission, His miserable death on the cross) are now reasons for Him (the sign of His love and sacrifice for us). Again, as opposed to the many competing prophets of the time, who sought to adduce evidence of miracles, and so on, it is no extra dimension that St Paul provides (that in fact Christ succeeded here on earth, proof of the afterlife). Rather, he shows that our very ability to take account of these defeats already implies a kind of miracle, already is a kind of miracle. Defeat here, as understood through the mediation of Christ’s love, is precisely not a sign of a victory to come but already a form of victory. St Paul doubles what is through the addition of an empty signifier – Christ’s worldly mission – so that henceforth the very lack of success is success, the failure of proof is proof. Through this ‘re-mark’, the very fact that this defeat is seen means that it is intended to be seen, that a lesson or strength is sought to be gained from it. This gaze on to events becomes part of these events themselves. It is what Lacan in his Seminar on The Ethics of Psychoanalysis calls the ‘point of view of the Last Judgement’ (S7, 294). And in this would lie the ‘superiority’ of Christianity over both atheism (St Paul) and Jewishness (Maurras). Exactly like the figure of the king for Hegel, through Christ we are able to bring together the highest and the lowest, the Son of God and the poorest and most abject of men (TK, 85). Indeed, this is what Hegel means by dialectical sublation – or this is what allows dialectical sublation – not the gradual coming-together of two things, but a kind of immediate doubling and reversal of a thing into its opposite. Seen from another hitherto excluded perspective, the one already is the other, already is ‘reconciled’ to the other (although, as we have seen, it is also this that allows us to think their separation, what cannot be taken up or sublated).

We might just offer here one more example of this kind of ‘conversion’ from For They Know Not, which originally derives from Lacan’s Seminar on The Psychoses. It is another instance, like St Paul, of the Symbolic power of speech, or what Lacan calls ‘full speech’; but it is a ‘full speech’, paradoxically – and here again we return to the lesson of our great philosophers – that is ‘full’ in being ’empty’. (Or, more accurately, it is a speech that is able to bring about the effect of Imaginary misrecognition, of always referring to present circumstances, through its Symbolic ability to turn failure into success. That is, as Zizek insists in For They Know Not, the Imaginary and the Symbolic are not two opposed registers, for within the Imaginary itself there is always a point of ‘double reflection’ (TK, 10), where the Imaginary is hooked on to the Symbolic.) 1 It is exactly in saying ‘nothing’ that the word lives on, is transmitted. This last example is from the play Athalie by Racine – and it too involves a certain ‘plot’. The master-signifier this time is to be found in the words of one of the play’s characters, the high priest Jehoiada, to the recent convert Abner who, despite his brave actions, still fears what is being done to the Christians under King Athaliah and is unsure as to the ultimate outcome of their struggle. In response to Abner’s doubts, Jehoiada replies:

The one who puts a stop to the fury of the waves Knows also of the evil men how to stop the plots. Subservient with respect to his holy will, I fear God, dear Abner, and have no other fear. (TK, 16)

As Zizek emphasizes, faced with the anxiety and uncertainty of Abner, who in fact is always waiting to be discouraged, Jehoiada does not attempt logically to persuade him. He does not argue that Christianity is winning or promise him heaven (both of which, as it were, would be only the consequence of belief and not its explanation). Rather, he simply states that all of these earthly fears and hopes are as nothing compared to the fear of God Himself. Suddenly – and, again, it is the notion of ‘conversion’ that Zizek is playing on – all of these worldly concerns are seen in a different light. What allows religious conversion is not the prospect of imminent success on earth or the future promise of heaven, but the fear of God Himself, by comparison to which the worst here is already like being in heaven. (At the same time – and this is why Zizek is able to repeat Feuerbach’s critique of religion as offering a merely specular, reversed image of the world, secretly determined by what it opposes (TK, 17) – it is through this impossible, virtual space that we would be able to mark the failure of any actual heaven to live up to its ideal, that we can know that any heaven we can actually grasp is not yet it.) It is only at this point that the proper gesture of ‘quilting’ or point de capiton takes place. Abner is transformed from an uncontrolled zealot, whose fervour marks a deep insecurity, to a true and faithful adherent, who is convinced of his mission and who neither needs the reward of heaven nor is shaken by events that appear to go against him.

This is, indeed, the suddenness or immediacy of Symbolic conversion, as emphasized by Zizek (and intimated in various ways by St Paul and Hegel). It does not properly work by reason, argument, persuasion. It can never be grasped as such. We are always too late to catch it in action because it has already erased itself, made it seem as though it is merely describing things as they are. Any evidence or confirmation would remain only at the level of the Imaginary, always in the form of horoscopes, predictions, self-fulfilling prophecies. And, equally, it is not even a matter of subjective belief, as all the great theologians already knew. The Word, the Other, already believes for us, and we can only follow. There is always a belief before belief. Self-knowledge and self-reflection come about only afterwards. And all of this is why, if St Paul is able to found an institution on the Word of God, he also cannot, because there is always something about the master-signifier that resists being fixed in this way. But this is what God, this is what the institution, this is what the master-signifier, is. The master-signifier is the name for its own difference from itself. The master-signifier names its own difference from itself. And to go back to Lacan’s Seminar on The Psychoses, in which he first begins to formulate his theory of the master-signifier, this is just what the psychotic is unable to do. As Lacan comments there, a little psychosis, as seen in something like paranoia, is normal: the constitution of a coherent symbolic reality requires a certain reading in of plots, of hidden meanings, behind the apparent surface of things. And, of course, what this suggests is the possibility of another plot behind this plot, and so on. But what the psychotic is unable to do is stop at a certain point and say that this infinite regress is what the plot is: the symbolic closure of the Name-of-the-Father or master-signifier has been foreclosed to them. 2 It is in this regard that the Church is necessarily in touch with something that goes beyond it, a sort of performative miracle outside of any institutionalization, which at once opens up and closes down the difference of the master-signifier from itself: objet a. As Lacan notes admiringly of Christianity and its point de capition: “You will say to me – That really is a curate’s egg! Well, you’re wrong. The curates have invented absolutely nothing in this genre. To invent a thing like this you have to be a poet or a prophet.” (S3, 267).

Jaws and Jews

But, despite all we have said so far, we have not perhaps spoken enough about the master-signifier. Are not the examples we have given far-fetched, not typical of the way contemporary society actually operates? Do we really see such conspiracies as the Dreyfus case any more? Can a situation suddenly be ‘converted’ and turned around, as in St Paul and Athalie? Do such points de capiton as the ‘Jewish plot’ and the ‘fear of God’ truly exist in today’s world? Is there a single ‘quilting’ point that is effectively able to condense an entire ideological field and make us see it in its terms? And, along these lines, how are we to obtain any critical distance on to the master-signifier? How are we to speak of its failure when it is just this ‘failure’ that the master-signifier already takes into account, that the master-signifier is? How to oppose anything to the master-signifier when one of the first things affected by it is the ‘very standard by means of which we measure alienation’ (TK, 15)? How to step outside of this ideological space when the very idea of some non-ideological space is the most ideological illusion of all (MI, 19-20)? And what of the role of objet a in all of this, as what allows this differential structure according to which the master-signifier is defined by what it is not, in which the outside is inside (extra-ideological space is ideological) and the inside is outside (the symbolic order works only insofar as there is some distance on to it)? How does objet a function to ensure that there is no outside to the symbolic order, but only insofar as there is a certain ‘outside’ to it?

In order to answer these questions, let us begin by taking up undoubtedly Zizek’s best known example of the master-signifier in action: the figure of the shark from Jaws. Of course, like all great movie monsters, the shark can be seen as representative of many things, from the forces of nature fighting back (as humans increasingly encroach on its territory), to the eruption of sexuality (it appears after two teenagers attempt to have sex in the water), from the threat of the Third World to America (the shark, like illegal immigrants, arrives by the sea) to the excesses of capitalism (as revenge for the greed of the town mayor and resort owners in refusing to close the beach during a holiday weekend). In this sense, the shark can be understood as allowing the expression of ordinarily repressed desires and impulses within society, making explicit its usually unspoken ideologies and beliefs. And it is into this interpretive milieu that the analyst enters when they argue that it is their conception of the shark that best offers an insight into the society that produced it. However, as we have already seen with the ‘rise’ of the Nazi narrative in Germany in the 1930s, it is exactly here not a matter of deciding which account of the shark best corresponds to the truth of contemporary society, for it is the shark itself that each time constructs society in its image. Or, to put it another way, the analyst already has something to say about society (some point to make about the environment, sexuality or capitalism), which they then attribute to the shark. In both cases, what is not questioned – what the overwhelming physical presence of the shark allows us to forget – is that this is only an interpretation of society. What is not seen is that circularity according to which the shark is seen as embodying certain tendencies that have already been attributed to the shark. As Zizek says of what he calls this ‘direct content analysis’: ‘(It) proceeds too quickly and presupposes as self-evident the fantasy surface itself, the empty form/frame which offers space for the appearance of the monstrous content’ (E!, 133).

That is, the true ideological effect of the shark, how it functions as a master-signifier, is to be found not in the way it represents certain tendencies in society that are already recognized but in the way it allows us to perceive and state these tendencies for the first time. It is the shark itself that allows the various fantasies and desires of the analyst – the true ‘monstrous content’ Zizek speaks of – to be expressed as though with some evidence, as though speaking of something that is actually there. As we saw with the re-mark, if the shark appears merely the expression of social forces that already exist, these forces would also not exist without the shark. If the shark appears simply to put a name to things, these things could also not be perceived before being named. (Zizek says the same thing about Hitchcock’s The Birds: that if the film dramatizes certain pre-existing family tensions, these tensions could not be seen without the birds (LA, 104-6). 3 But, again – this is the very ‘fantasy frame’ that allows these ‘monstrous contents’ to be registered – in this circularity something new is brought about. If the shark expresses only what is already attributed to it by various interpreters, it also appears to be what they are all talking about, what they all have in common, even in their very differences from and disagreements with each other. It is over the meaning of the shark that they dispute, as though it is real, as though it is more than others see in it. And it is in this way, finally, that the shark acts as a master-signifier, as what various ideological tendencies recognize themselves in, what ‘quilts’ them, makes them equivalent. As the critic Fredric Jameson writes, in a passage cited by Zizek:

The vocation of the symbol – the killer shark – lies less in any single message or meaning than in its very capacity to absorb and organize all of these quite distinct anxieties together. As a symbolic vehicle, then, the shark must be understood more in terms of its essentially polysemous function rather than as any particular content attributable to it by this or that spectator. (E!, 133)

However, to try to draw out what Jameson is saying a little more, what is implied here is that there is some ‘real’ shark behind all of the various interpretations of it. It would be a shark that is not only what is in common to all of these interpretations but what all of them try (and fail) to take account of. It would be a shark that is more than any of these interpretations and that is unable to be captured by any one of them – something that in a sense cannot be named, and for which the shark itself is only a substitute (TN, 149). 4 It is what Zizek calls in similar circumstances what is ‘in shark more than shark’, the shark as objet a. And it is what we have already seen make it so hard to think outside of the master-signifier, because this outside is what the master-signifier is. From now on, the very differences or even incommensurabilities in interpretation (of society) are only able to take place as though they are arguing over the ‘same’ shark. But let us try to analyse how this objet a works to allow the master-signifier, and how, if it closes off any simple outside, it might also open up a certain ‘alternative’ to it. As we say, the shark is merely a tissue of differences. In a circular way, it is not what various interpretations seek to describe but what is retrospectively seen to fill out various interpretations. To this extent, there is a kind of infinite regress implied in trying to speak the truth of the various interpretations of the shark, insofar as they correspond to the social, because this social can only be seen through the shark. As with the system of language, the shark and these various interpretations of the social are mutually defining. And yet, as with the system of language, we must also try to find what all of these elements attempt to stand in for, what initiates this process of definition. And this is what Zizek calls the shark as objet a: what holds the place of that ‘pure difference’ (SO, 99) that both the shark and its interpretations seek to exchange themselves for.

We might put this another way – and begin to think what Zizek means when he says that ideology today already incorporates its own distance from itself. We have spoken of how the shark is never a neutral or natural object but always from the beginning only a reflection or expression of competing ideologies. And it is into this contested field that the analyst necessarily enters. That is, even the first description of the shark is already an attempt to speak of, displace, other interpretations. Each description is not merely a description but as it were a meta-description, an attempt to provide that point de capiton that quilts all the others. Thus, when it speaks of the shark, it also wants to speak of what all those others that speak of it have in common, what they all stand in for. And it is in this sense – it is just this that we see in cultural studies-style analyses of such objects as Jaws – that each attempt not only is ideological but also attempts to break with ideology, to take a certain distance from those other accounts which it perceives as ideological, to speak of what they leave out. But it is precisely in this way that the shark once again weaves its magic, for we are only able to criticize others for being ideological by assuming that there is some real shark that others – and perhaps, in a final ‘postmodern’ twist, even we – get wrong. That is, in order to criticize others for being ideological, for seeing the shark only as a reflection of their own interests, we have to assume a ‘true’ shark that they do not speak of, which can only be a reflection of us. As Zizek writes: ‘This tension introduces a kind of reflective distance into the very heart of ideology: ideology is always, by definition, ‘ideology of ideology’… There is no ideology that does not assert itself by means of delimiting itself from another mere ‘ideology’ (MI, 19).

To be more exact, what each master-signifier attempts to speak of is that difference – that gap or void in the signifying order – that allows others (and even itself) to speak of it. In a paradoxical way, at once each master-signifier begins by attempting to displace the others, to speak of that difference excluded to allow any of them to speak of the others, and this difference would not exist until after it. This, again, is Zizek’s insight that the shark as master-signifier does not precede the various attempts to speak of it, but is only the after-effect of the failure to do so, is nothing but the series of these failures. However, it is just this that provokes a kind of infinite regress, with a certain lack – objet a – always to be made up, as each successive master-signifier attempts to speak of what precedes and allows the one before. And in this context the anti-ideological gesture par excellence is not at all to speak of what is left out of each master-signifier, of how it ‘distorts’ reality, but to show how it structurally takes the place of a certain void, is merely ‘difference perceived as identity’ (SO, 99). But, again, this is very complex – and we return to those questions we raised in our Introduction – in that this attempt to speak of that void that precedes and makes possible the master-signifier can only be another master-signifier. In that ambiguity that runs throughout this book, that objet a we speak of that allows this differential structure of the master-signifier, as what all of these differences have in common, at once is the only way we have of exposing the master-signifier and is only another master-signifier, reveals the emptiness that precedes the master-signifier and can do this only by filling it up again.

All of this points towards the very real difficulties involved in the analysis of ideology – not only, as Zizek often indicates, in so-called ‘discourse analysis’, whose presumption of a non-ideological space can always be shown to be ideological, but even in Zizek’s own project of uncovering the ‘sublime object’ or objet a of ideology. But in order to consider this in more detail, let us turn to perhaps the privileged example of the master-signifier (and of objet a) in Zizek’s work: the anti-Semitic figure of the ‘Jew’. We have already, of course, looked at the notion of the ‘Jewish plot’ with regard to the Dreyfus case. It is the idea that, behind the seemingly innocent surface of things, events are secretly being manipulated by a conspiracy of Jews. More specifically, as we see for instance in Nazism, it is the idea that the series of different reasons for Germany’s decline in the 1930s, reasons that would require detailed social and historical – that is, political – analysis, are ultimately to be explained by the presence of Jews. And yet, as with the shark in Jaws, it is not as though these ‘Jews’ embody any actual qualities, correspond to any empirical reality; or they are only to be defined by their very ‘polysemousness’, their contradictoriness – as Zizek says, Jews are understood to be both upper and lower class, intellectual and dirty, impotent and highly sexed (SO, 125). This is why the anti-Semite is not to be discouraged by the lack of empirical evidence, the appeal to facts, the way that Jews are not really as they describe them. The notion of the ‘Jewish plot’, like all of our master-signifiers, functions not directly but only indirectly, incorporates our very disbelief or scepticism into it. It is for this reason, as Zizek writes, that even when confronted with evidence of the ‘ordinariness’ of his archetypal Jewish neighbour, Mr Stern, the anti-Semite does not renounce their prejudices but, on the contrary, only finds in this further confirmation of them:

You see how dangerous they really are? It is difficult to recognize their true nature. They hide it behind the mask of everyday appearance – and it is exactly this hiding of one’s real nature, this duplicity, that is a basic feature of the Jewish nature. (SO, 49)

And this is why, behind the obvious conspiracy – that of the master-signifier – there needs to be another, of which the master-signifier itself is part. As Zizek writes in the essay “Between Symbolic Fiction and Fantasmatic Spectre: Towards a Lacanian Theory of Ideology”:

This other, hidden law acts the part of the ‘Other of the Other’ in the Lacanian sense, the part of the meta-guarantee of the consistency of the big Other (the symbolic order that regulates social life). The ‘conspiracy theory’ provides a guarantee that the field of the big Other is not an inconsistent bricolage: its basic premise is that, behind the public Master (who, of course, is an imposter), there is a hidden Master, who effectively keeps everything under control. (BS, 50)

But what exactly is wrong with the empirical refutation of anti-Semitism? Why do we have the feeling that it does not effectively oppose its logic, and in a way even repeats it (just as earlier we saw the cultural studies-style rejection of competing interpretations of the shark – ‘It is not really like that!’ – far from breaking our fascination with the shark, in fact continuing or even constituting it)? Why are we always too late with regard to the master-signifier, only able to play its interpretation against the object or the object against its interpretation, when it is the very circularity between them that we should be trying to grasp? Undoubtedly, Zizek’s most detailed attempt to describe how the master-signifier works with regard to the Jew is the chapter “Does the Subject Have a Cause?” in Metastases of Enjoyment. As he outlines it there, in a first moment in the construction of anti-Semitic ideology, a series of markers that apparently speak of certain ‘real’ qualities is seen to designate the Jew, or the Jew appears as a signifier summarizing – Zizek’s term is ‘immediating, abbreviating’ – a cluster of supposedly effective properties. Thus:

(1) (avaricious, profiteering, plotting, dirty . . .) is called Jewish.

Then, in a second moment, we reverse this process and ‘explicate’ the Jew with the same series of qualities. Thus:

(2) X is called Jewish because they are (avaricious, profiteering, plotting, dirty . . .).

Finally, we reverse the order again and posit the Jew as what Zizek calls the ‘reflexive abbreviation’ of the entire series. Thus:

(3) X is (avaricious, profiteering, plotting, dirty . . .) because they are Jewish (ME, 48-9).

In this third and final stage, as Zizek says, Jew ‘explicates’ the very preceding series it ‘immediates’ or ‘abbreviates’. In it, ‘abbreviation and explication dialectically coincide’ (ME, 48). That is, within the discursive space of anti-Semitism, Jews are not simply Jews because they display that set of qualities (profiteering, plotting . . .) previously attributed to them. Rather, they have this set of qualities because they are Jewish. What is the difference? As Zizek emphasizes, even though stage (3) appears tautological, or seems merely to confirm the circularity between (1) and (2), this is not true at all. For what is produced by this circularity is a certain supplement ‘X’, what is ‘in Jew more than Jew’: Jew not just as master-signifier but as objet a. As Zizek says, with stage (3) we are not just thrown back on to our original starting point, for now Jew is ‘no longer a simple abbreviation that designates a series of markers but the name of the hidden ground of this series of markers that act as so many expression-effects of this ground’ (ME, 49). Jew is not merely a series of qualities, but what these qualities stand in for. Jew is no longer a series of differences, but different even from itself. But, again, what exactly is meant by this? How is the Jew able to move from a series of specific qualities, no matter how diverse or even contradictory, to a master-signifier covering the entire ideological field without exception? How is it that we are able to pass, to use an analogy with Marx’s analysis of the commodity form that Zizek often plays on, from an expanded to a ‘general’ or even ‘universal’ form of anti-Semitism (ME, 49)?

The first thing to note here is that stages (1) and (2) are not simply symmetrical opposites. In (1), corresponding perhaps to that first moment of ideological critique we looked at with Jaws, a number of qualities are attributed to the Jew in an apparently immediate, unreflexive way: (profiteering, plotting . . .) is Jew. In (2), corresponding to that second moment of ideological critique, these same qualities are then attributed to the Jew in a mediated, reflexive fashion: Jew is (profiteering, plotting . . .). In other words, as with the shark in Jaws, we do not so much speak directly about the Jew, but about others’ attempts to speak of the Jew. Each description before all else seeks to dispute, displace, contest others’ attempts to speak of the Jew. Each description is revealed as a meta-description, an attempt to say what the Jew and all those others have in common. Each description in (1) is revealed to be an implicit explication in (2). Each attempts to name that difference – that ‘Jew’ – that is left out by others’ attempts to speak of the Jew. Each attempts to be the master-signifier of the others. And yet – this is how (3) ‘returns’ us to (1); this is how the Jew is not just a master-signifier but also an objet a – to the very extent that the Jew is only the relationship between discourses, what allows us to speak of others’ relationship to the Jew, there is always necessarily another that comes after us that speaks of our relationship to the Jew. Jew in this sense is that ‘difference’ behind any attempt to speak of difference, that ‘conspiracy’ behind any named conspiracy. That is, each description of the Jew can be understood as the very failure to adopt a meta-position vis-à-vis the Jew. Each attempt to take up a meta-position in (2) is revealed to be merely another in an endless series of qualities in (1). That master-signifier in (2) that tries to name what all these different descriptions have in common fails precisely because we can always name another; the series is always open to that difference that allows it to be named. And ‘Jew’, we might say, is the name for this very difference itself: objet a.

We might put this another way in thinking how we finally get to the master-signifier in its ‘universal’ form, the master-signifier as where ‘abbreviation and explication dialectically coincide’. As we have already said, each description of the master-signifier is before all else an attempt to stand in for the other, to take the place of that void which the Jew and its previous descriptions have in common. And yet each description necessarily fails. For any attempt to say what a Jew is we can always find an exception; we can always be accused once again of leaving out the Jew. Indeed, in a certain way, our own list is made up of nothing but exceptions, attempts to say what those previous descriptions left out. We ultimately have only an endless series of predicates with nothing in common or, as Zizek says, a “never-ending series of ‘equivalences’, of signifiers which represent for it [the master-signifier] the void of its inscription’ (TK, 23). Nevertheless, as we say, each new predicate, if it attempts to stand in for this void, also opens it up again. It too will require another to say what it and all those others have in common. As before, we can never finally say what all those descriptions share, what is behind them all. There is no way of saying what a Jew is or even how this sequence began in the first place. The only way out of this impasse – this, again, is how the master-signifier comes to be supplemented by objet a– is to reverse this, so that the Jew just is this difference, the void of its inscription, what allows us to speak of the failure to symbolize the Jew. As Zizek says, the only way out is to ‘reverse the series of equivalences and ascribe to one signifier the function of representing the object (the place of inscription) for all the others (which thereby become ‘all’ – that is, are totalized). In this way, the proper master-signifier is produced.” (TK, 23)

However, to put all of this in a more Hegelian perspective – in which scission is already reconciliation – it is not as though this reversal actually has to take place. Rather, our very ability to mark these attempted descriptions as failures, as exceptions, that is, our very ability to re-mark them at all (close to the idea that there is not a ‘crisis’ until the narrative of Nazism or that those various ideological forces cannot be articulated until the arrival of the shark), already indicates that they stand in for an absent signifier. We cannot even have this endless series of predicates unless they are all speaking about the ‘same’ Jew. If we can never say what the Jew is, then, this is only because, as Zizek says of the letter (SO, 160) – and the Jew is only a letter or a signifier (TN, 150)- we have already found it. The Jew is nothing else but this endless series of predicates, this perpetual difference from itself. Crucially, however, if the Jew cannot be made into a ‘figure’ (named as such), neither can it be designated a ‘ground’ (that for which things stand in). For, in that way we have just seen, any attempt to say what a Jew is, even as a series of qualities, is only to open up an exception, raise the necessity for another ground against which this can be seen. Rather, the ‘Jew’ as objet a, the ‘sublime object’ of ideology, is what allows (and disallows) the relationship between ground and figure, is that void for which both stand in. If in one way, that is, the Jew can only be seen as either (1) or (2), figure or ground, in another way, as we have seen with the shark, it is the very circularity between them. And in speaking of the Jew as the ‘dialectical coincidence’ of ‘abbreviation’ (figure) and ‘explication’ (ground), Zizek does not mean that they become the same or are ever finally reconciled, but that each exchanges itself for the other, holds the place of the other. The description of the empirical Jew in (1) is only possible because of the underlying Jew of (2). And every attempt to say what the Jew as master-signifier is in (2) fails, reveals itself only to be the Jew of (1). (1) is only possible because of (2) and (2) can only be seen as (1), but this only because of the Jew of (3), the Jew not only as the various signifiers of (2), what they all have in common, but the very difference between them, what they all stand in for. It is Jew as the name for this difference, as what is always different from itself. It is Jew not only as present in its absence but absent in its presence, as what everything, including any named Jew, tries and fails to represent: the Jew as truly ‘universal’. 5

Identification with the master-signifier

We see the same thing in terms of how we identify with the master-signifier. Just as Zizek shows the necessity of something outside of the symbolic order (objet a) for the constitution of the master-signifier, so he will show the necessity of something outside of meaning (what he will call ‘enjoyment’) for ideological identification to occur. It is by means of this ‘enjoyment’ that ideology can take its failure into account in advance, that deliberate ignorance or cynicism (pre- or post-ideology) is not outside of ideology but is the very form it takes today. And it is by theorizing this ‘self-reflexive’ aspect of ideology, the way it is able to incorporate its own distance from itself, that Zizek has been able to revivify and extend the traditional categories of ideology-critique. But a complex question is raised at this point, close to the one Zizek puts to Laclau in Contingency, Hegemony, Universality: is what is being described here a new, post-modern variant upon ideological identification, or has it always been the case? Is this addition of what appears to be ‘beyond ideology’ only what is required for it to work in a time of widespread disbelief, or has it always been necessary? And another series of questions is further suggested: if this ‘distance’ returns us to ideology, is part of its operation, might it not also offer a certain admission by ideology of its weakness? Might not this ‘distance’, if it closes off any simple alternative to ideology, also open up an internal limit on to it, the fact that it can operate only through this ‘outside’? And would this not point to – to use a ‘feminine’ logic we will return to throughout what follows – not an exception allowing a universal but the ambiguity of the entire system of ideology, in which every element at once reveals and attempts to cover over this ‘outside’?

Zizek’s most extensive explanation of ideological identification is to be found in the chapter Che Vuoi? of Sublime Object. He offers there a three-part account of the workings of ideology that in many regards corresponds to the three stages in the constitution of the master-signifier. In a first, instinctive conception of identification, we see it as taking place on the level of the Imaginary, in which we identify with the image of the Other. It is an image in which ‘we appear likeable to ourselves, with the image repeating ‘what we would like to be’ (SO, 105). It is an image that we feel potentially reflects us: movie stars, popular heroes, great intellectuals and artists. However, as Zizek emphasizes, not only is this not factually true – we often identify with less-than-appealing characters – but this Imaginary identification cannot be grasped outside of Symbolic identification. In Symbolic identification, we identify not with the image but with the look of the Other, not with how we see ourselves in them but with how we are seen by them. We see ourselves through the way that others see us. We do not identify directly with ourselves but only through another. Zizek provides an example of this in Sublime Object when he speaks of religious belief. Here we do not believe directly but only because others do. We do not believe ourselves, but others believe for us. As Zizek writes: ‘When we subject ourselves to the machine of a religious [we might also say social] ritual, we already believe without knowing it; our belief is already materialized in the external ritual; in other words, we already believe unconsciously’ (SO, 43).

We find another example of this Symbolic identification in Woody Allen’s film Play it Again, Sam, in which a neurotic and insecure intellectual (played by Allen) learns life lessons from a fictitious Bogart figure, who visits him from time to time. At the end of the film, in a replay of the famous last scene of Casablanca, after an affair with his best friend’s wife, Allen meets her at an airport late at night and renounces her, thus allowing her to leave with her husband. When his lover says of his speech: ‘It’s beautiful’, he replies: “It’s from Casablanca. I’ve waited my whole life to say it.” And it is at this point that the Bogart figure appears for the last time, saying that, by giving up a woman for a friend, he has ‘finally got some class’ and no longer needs him’ (SO, 109). Now, the first point to realize here is that the Allen character is not so much speaking to the woman in this final scene as to Bogart. He is not acting selflessly in forsaking her but in order to impress Bogart. That is, he does not identify with Bogart on the Imaginary level – with whatever qualities he possesses – but with the Symbolic position he occupies. He attempts to see himself from where he sees Bogart. As Zizek writes: “The hero realizes his identification by enacting in reality Bogart’s role from Casablanca – by assuming a certain ‘mandate’, by occupying a certain place in the intersubjective symbolic network” (SO, 110). More precisely, he identifies with Bogart’s seeming position outside of the symbolic order. It is his apparent difference from other people that changes everything about him and converts those qualities that would otherwise be unattractive into something unique and desirable. It is just this that we see at the end of the film, when Allen has his last conversation with Bogart, telling him that he no longer needs him insofar as he has become like him: “True, you’re not too tall and kind of ugly but what the hell, I’m short enough and ugly enough to succeed on my own” (SO, 110).

However, this Symbolic is still not the final level of identification. Like every other master-signifier (freedom, democracy, the environment), Bogart always falls short, proves disappointing, fails to live up to his promise. As a result, we are forced to step in, take his place, complete what he is unable to. (It is this that we see at the end of the film when the Allen character says that he no longer needs Bogart.) And yet this is not at all to break with transference but is its final effect. (It is just when Allen is most ‘himself’ that he is most like Bogart.) As we have already seen in ‘Why is Every Act?’, it is not simply a matter of identifying with some quality or gaze of the Other as though they are aware of it. Rather, the full effect of transference comes about through an identification with something that the Other does not appear aware of, that seems specifically meant for us, that comes about only because of us. To use the language of the previous section, we do not so much identify with the Other as holder of the symbolic (as differentially defined from others, as master-signifier) as with what is in the Other ‘more than themselves’ (with what is different from itself, objet a). If in the Imaginary we identify with the image of the Other, and in the Symbolic with the look of the Other, here in this final level we return almost to our original look upon the Other. Or it is perhaps the very undecidability as to whether the Other is looking at us or not that captivates us and makes us want to take their place.

To put this another way, because symbolic authority is arbitrary, performative, not to be accounted for by any ‘real’ qualities in its possessor, the subject when appealed to by the Other is always unsure (SO, 113). They are unsure whether this is what the Other really does want of them, whether this truly is the desire of the Other. And they are unsure of themselves, whether they are worthy of the symbolic mandate that is bestowed upon them. As Zizek writes:

The subject does not know why he is occupying this place in the symbolic network. His own answer to this Che vuoi? of the Other can only be the hysterical question: “Why am I what I’m supposed to be, why have I this mandate? Why am I… [a teacher, a master, a king…]?” Briefly: “Why am I what you [the big Other] are saying that I am?” (SO, 113)

And this is an ambiguity, a ‘dialectic’ (SO, 112), that Zizek argues is ineradicable. It is always possible to ask of any symbolic statement, like Freud’s famous joke about a man telling another man he is going to Cracow when he is in fact going to Cracow (SO, 197): what does it mean? What is it aiming at? Why is the Other telling me this? It is always possible to find another meaning behind the obvious one. It is never possible to speak literally, to occupy the Symbolic without remainder, to have the empty place and what occupies it fit perfectly. It is a mismatch that Zizek associates with a certain enunciation outside of any enunciated. As he writes:

The question mark arising above the curve of ‘quilting’ thus indicates the persistence of a gap between utterance [the enunciated] and its enunciation: at the level of utterance you are saying this, but what do you want to tell me with it, through it? (SO, 111),/p>

In other words, there is always a certain ‘gap’ or ‘leftover’ in any interpellation – but it is not a gap that can be simply got rid of, for it is just this that makes interpellation possible, that is the place from where it speaks. It is a gap that is not merely an empirical excess, something that is greater than any nomination – this is the very illusion of the master-signifier – but a kind of internal absence or void, a reminder of the fact that the message cannot be stated in advance but only after it has been identified with, is only a stand-in for that differentiality which founds the symbolic order. It is not something ‘outside’ or ‘beyond’ ideology, but that ‘difference’ that allows the master-signifier’s naming of its own difference. (That is – and this is brought out by Zizek’s successive parsing of Lacan’s ‘graph of desire’ (SO, 100) in Che Vuoi? – if the Symbolic makes the Imaginary possible, so this other dimension, that of the Real, makes the Symbolic possible.) As Zizek says of this relationship between ideology and what appears ‘outside’ of it:

The last support of the ideological effect (of the way an ideological network of signifiers ‘holds’ us) is the non-sensical, pre-ideological kernel of enjoyment. In ideology, ‘all is not ideology (that is, ideological meaning)’, but it is this very surplus which is the last support of ideology. (SO, 124)

There is thus always a gap between interpellation and any defined symbolic meaning. Any named cause can only come up short; there is always a difference between enunciation and utterance. And yet, as we saw with the master-signifier, interpellation works best when it appears mysterious, nonsensical, incomplete, not only to us but even to the Other. For it is just this that appears to open it up to us, allow us to add to it, make it our own. It is just in its lack and unknowability that it calls upon us to realize it, take its place, say what it should be saying. However, as we saw in our Introduction, whatever we do in response to it will always in retrospect be seen to be what it was already about. It is in its ’emptiness’ that it is able to speak to all future interpretations of it, that any ‘going beyond’ is able to occur only in its name. It is not so much a match between a subject entirely contained within the Symbolic and a master-signifier that quilts the entire social field without remainder that we have here, but a match between a subject that feels themselves outside of the Symbolic and a master-signifier that is always different from itself. We identify not so much with any enunciated as with the position of enunciation itself. The fact that the Other does not have it, is divided from itself, is not a barrier to identification but its very condition, for just as we are completed by the Other, so this Other is completed by us. As Zizek writes:

This lack in the other gives the subject – so to speak – a breathing space; it enables him to avoid total alienation in the signifier not by filling out his lack but by allowing him to identify himself, his own lack, with the lack in the other. (SO, 122)

This is the ambiguity of that fantasy with which Zizek says we fill out the gap in interpellation, just as that ‘sublime object’ fills out what is missing in the master-signifier. And, as with the master-signifier, the particular fantasy that Zizek takes up in order to analyse this is the anti-Semitic one. That is, in terms that almost exactly repeat what we said earlier about a certain ‘in Jew more than Jew’ that supplements the master-signifier of the Jew, so here with interpellation there is a kind of fantasy that behind any actual demand by Jews there is always another, that there is always something more that they want (SO, 114). But, again, the crucial aspect of this fantasy – as we have seen earlier with our mythical Jewish neighbour, Mr Stern – is that Jews themselves do not have to be aware of this. This is the meaning of Zizek’s argument connecting Jews as the privileged target of such racist fantasies and the particular form of their religion. He is precisely not making the point that there is anything actually in their beliefs that would justify or explain these fantasies, but rather that the Jewish religion itself ‘persists in the enigma of the Other’s [that is, God’s] desire’ (SO, 115), that this Other is also a mystery to Jews themselves, that to paraphrase Hegel the mystery of the Jews is a mystery to Jews themselves. Nevertheless, it is this fantasy that Jews somehow do know what they want that operates as a supplement to interpellation. It attempts to fill out the void of the question Che vuoi? with an answer. And even if we have to speak for the Other ourselves, admit the knowledge they do not recognize, this is not to break the anti-Semitic fantasy but only to render it stronger. The very incompleteness of our interpellation, the fact that things make no sense to us or that we can take a cynical distance on to the values of our society, is not at all to dispel the promise of some underlying meaning but only to make us search for one all the more.

And yet, if this distance from society and our positing of the Other are how we are interpellated, all this can also be read another way, as opening up a certain ‘outside’ to the system. It is not simply a matter of doing away with the ideological fantasy but of thinking what makes it possible. For if the Jew as fantasy, just as the Jew as objet a, is able to recoup otherness and return it to the system, it also points to something else that would be required to make this up. That is, if the Jew as objet a or fantasy allows the master-signifier or interpellation to be named as its own difference, it also raises the question of what allows it to be named. And it is this, finally, that Lacan means by his famous statement that ‘There is no Other of the Other’ (E, 311). It does not mean that there is no guarantee to the Other but that there is no final guarantee, that any such guarantee would always have to be underwritten in turn from somewhere else. It means that the same element that closes off the system also opens it up, in a kind of infinite regress or psychotic foreclosure of the Name-of-the-Father. And it is at this point, as we say, that the entire system becomes ambiguous, that the same element that provides an answer to the Che vuoi? also restates the question (SO, 124). 6 And what this in turn raises – in a theme we pursue throughout this book – is that, beyond thinking of the Jew as an exception that allows the universal to be constituted, we have the Jew as the sinthome of a drive: the universal itself as its own exception (ME, 49). It is close to the ambiguity of Zizek’s own work, in which the critique he proposes of the system almost repeats the system’s own logic; but in repeating the system in this manner he also opens it up to something else. Again, taking us back to questions we first raised in our Introduction – that we can reveal the ’emptiness’ at the heart of the Symbolic only by filling it in; that it is never to be seen as such but only as a retrospective effect – we would say that not only is any act or positing of the Symbolic only a repetition of it, but that it is only through such a repetition that we might produce an ‘act’.

Concrete universality

As we have seen, the master-signifier is always different from itself and is the name for this difference. It both reveals the void for which everything stands in and covers over this void. But in order to try to explain this in more detail, let us turn to Zizek’s analysis of the difficult Hegelian concepts of ‘concrete universality’ and ‘oppositional determination’ in For They Know Not. ‘Concrete universality’ stands as the high point of the Hegelian thinking of identity – what Hegel calls ‘identity-with-itself’ after ‘identity-in-itself’ and ‘identity-for-the-other’ – but it is identity as the very ‘impossibility of predicates, nothing but the confrontation of an entity with the void at the point where we expect a predicate, a determination of its positive content’ (TK, 36). To take Hegel’s example of ‘God is God’, which repeats that tautology we find in the master-signifier, in a first stage certain predicates are attributed to Him, while in a second stage He is seen as exhibiting just these attributes (but only in the form of their absence or opposite). As Hegel writes:

Such identical talk therefore contradicts itself. Identity, instead of being in its own self truth and absolute truth, is consequently the very opposite; instead of being the unmoved simple, it is the passage beyond itself into the dissolution of itself. (TK, 35)

And it is this that – as part of a general attack on deconstructionism – distinguishes Hegel from Derrida for Zizek. It is – again, as part of the general question of how to think ‘outside’ of the master-signifier – only through the self-contradiction involved in identity that we are able to grasp its limit, and not through its simple impossibility or deferral. As Zizek writes:

Derrida incessantly varies the motif of how full identity-with-itself is impossible; how it is always, constitutively, deferred, split . . . Yet what eludes him is the Hegelian inversion of identity qua impossible into identity itself as the name for a certain radical impossibility. (TK, 37)

But, before we develop the consequences of this, what is ‘concrete universality’? How do we see it in practice? Zizek provides an example of it in Marx’s classic analysis in ‘The Class Struggles in France’ of how in the 1848 Revolution Republicanism emerged as the surprise outcome of the struggle between the two competing Royalist factions, the Orléanists and the Legitimists. As he outlines the situation there, each faction was confronted with a problem: how best to win the battle with the other? How to speak not merely for their own particular interpretation of the proper royal lineage but for their opponent’s as well? That is, as we have previously seen, how not so much to refute the other empirically as to win by proposing the very grounds of the dispute, so that no matter how the other side argued they would ultimately be agreeing with them? And the extraordinary thing, as Marx shows, was that each side of the Royalist split sought to prevail by putting forward Republicanism as their common ground. As Zizek summarizes:

A royalist is forced to choose between Orléanism and Legitimism – can he avoid the choice by choosing royalism in general, the very medium of the choice? Yes – by choosing to be republican, by placing himself at the point of intersection of the two sets of Orléanists and Legitimists. (TK, 34)

In other words, both Orléanism and Legitimism attempt to quilt the field by claiming that they are seen even in their difference or absence. Each argues that it is not so much either ‘Orléanism’ or ‘Legitimism’, or even that ‘Republicanism’ they have in common, as the very relationship between these. It is what would be different from every statement of itself, even as ‘Republicanism’. As Zizek goes on:

‘Republican’ is thus, in this logic, a species of the genus royalism; within the level of species, it holds the place of the genus itself – in it, the universal genus of royalism is represented, acquires particular existence, in the form of its opposite. (TK, 34)

Or let us take another example of this ‘concrete universality’, this time starting with G.K. Chesterton’s famous aphorism from “A Defence of Detective Stories”: ‘Morality is the most dark and daring of conspiracies’ (TK, 29). At first, we might understand law (morality) here simply as opposed to crime; law as what regulates crime from the outside, as though it could know what it is in advance. But, as Zizek says, paraphrasing Hegel, this would be law only in its ‘abstract’ identity, in which ‘all actual, effective life remains out of reach’ (TK, 33). And what this means is that, as opposed to the supposed opposition between them, the law cannot be known outside of crime; that not only (as the advance of common law attests) can we not know all crime in advance, but that the very institution of law allows crime, opens up the possibility of further crime. This would be law in its ‘concrete’ identity, which includes crime as a ‘sublated moment of the wealth of its content’ (TK, 33). And this would be a little as we saw with the second stage in the constitution of the master-signifier, in which the law is never to be grasped as such but only as crime, as what all various crimes have in common. Law is never to be seen as such but only as its exception; and yet this is what the law is. Law is the name for its own exception, its difference from itself. However, we have still not got to the final ‘concrete universal’ – like that third stage of the master-signifier – until we understand that no statement of the law, even as its own exception, even as what all crimes have in common, can ever take anything but the form of another crime or exception. Law is not merely the difference between crimes, but is always different from itself. The very relationship between law and crime – the ability of law to be the genus of the species crime – can only take the form of a crime, an exception. The universal (law) itself is only another crime. As Zizek writes:

Law ‘dominates’ crime when some ‘absolute crime’ particularizes all other crimes, converts them into mere particular crimes – and this gesture of universalization by means of which an entity turns into its opposite is, of course, precisely that of point de capiton. (TK, 33)

To put this another way, ‘concrete universality’ is that ‘uncanny point at which the universal genus encounters itself within its own particular species’ (TK, 34) – and encounters itself in the form of its opposite. And two conclusions can be drawn from this dialectical ‘coincidence’ of genus and species. First, any attempt to speak of this genus only turns it into another species; and, second, this occurs because of the opposite of this genus, or that of which this genus is the opposite, the very difference between genus and species, which both stand in for. And the final ‘identity-with-itself’ of this universal genus is that it is the void of its inscription in this sense. The universal just is this problem of being able to relate to itself only in the form of the particular. It is only its impossibility, the fact that any statement of it can only be particular. The universal is at once what ensures that there are only particulars and what means that the particular is never merely particular, but always stands in for something else, is the failure to be universal (CHU, 216-7). However, what this implies is that there is a kind of infinite regress at stake in concrete universality, in a continual ‘doubling of the universal when it is confronted with its particular content’ (TK, 34). Any statement of the universal is only to stand in for that void that would allow it, is only the real universal’s absence or opposite. And, again, this infinite regress, this failure of identity, would be what the master-signifier is; but this itself cannot be stated without a certain ‘remainder’; there is always left out that difference or ’empty place’ (TK, 44) that allows this to be said. We never actually have that final ‘reconciliation’ between figure and ground or species and genus, for there is always something excluded – the place of enunciation – that enables this.

This is the complexity – to return to those issues we raised at the beginning of this chapter – of Zizek’s attempt to think antagonism (objet a) outside of the master-signifier. As we have already seen, in the early part of his career, at the time of Sublime Object, Zizek follows Laclau and Mouffe’s project of ‘radical democracy’: the elevation of one particular term from the ideological field and making it the master-signifier of the rest. But the decisive ‘anti-essentialist’ gesture – this is how it differs from Marx’s and Althusser’s concept of over-determination – is that it is not one element given in advance that quilts the others, but that any one of them might be it (SO, 4). And yet, as Zizek’s work goes on – and this is perhaps made most explicit in his dialogue with Laclau in Contingency, Hegemony, Universality – he begins to take a distance from this ‘radical democracy’ for not properly taking into account what he calls ‘external difference’ (CHU, 92), which is not that difference between competing signifiers within the existing symbolic horizon but what is excluded to allow this horizon. That is, Zizek wants to think not how one master-signifier speaks for others, but what allows the master-signifier as such. He wants to think not the master-signifier as that void for which others stand in, but that void for which the master-signifier itself stands in (CHU, 108). And it is at this point that Zizek unexpectedly turns to the once-rejected notion of ‘class’ as the best way of thinking this difference outside of the symbolic, this void which allows the master-signifier. As he writes, citing Marx against Laclau’s argument against ‘class’ as the ultimate master-signifier:

One should counter [Laclau’s objections] by the already-mentioned paradox of ‘oppositional determination’, of the part of the chain that sustains its horizon itself: class antagonism certainly appears as one in the series of social antagonisms, but it is simultaneously the specific antagonism which ‘predominates over the rest, whose relations thus assign rank and influence to the others’. (CHU, 320)

But, in this context, what exactly does Zizek mean by ‘class’? What is at stake in conceiving the constitution of the social not in terms of ‘radical democracy’ but ‘class’? As we suggest, it is for Zizek a way of thinking not so much the universality allowed by the master-signifier as what allows this universality. It is a way of thinking the underlying ‘antagonism’ of society, which is not some empirical excess outside of the social but a kind of impossibility within it. In other words, what Zizek fundamentally accuses Laclau of is that he does not think the third and final stage of the master-signifier: that ‘concrete universality’ in which a thing includes itself, is not merely that difference that allows the identity or equivalence of others but is always different from itself (CHU, 130-1). Class is, in that contest of hegemonization that Laclau speaks of, that which explains the values of ‘radical democracy’ and all those other signifiers and quilts them together. But it is also an attempt to speak of the void that allows any master-signifier, that any master-signifier only stands in for. And it is just this, again, that ‘radical democracy’ does not do in operating only within the horizon of an already-existing universality. It is unable to imagine a truly radical social ‘act’, the realization or incorporation of this ‘antagonism’ in making the universal and particular the same, but only an endless series of substitutions within this universality. As Zizek will say in his collection Revolution at the Gates, in pointing out the status of ‘class’ as the impossible ‘coincidence’ of species and genus, particular and universal, internal and external difference:

For Marx, of course, the only universal class whose singularity (exclusion from the society of property) guarantees its actual universality is the proletariat. This is what Ernesto Laclau rejects in his version of hegemony: for Laclau, the short circuit between the Universal and the Particular is always illusory, temporary, a kind of ‘transcendental paralogism’. (L, 297)

But to make the ambiguity of Zizek’s gesture of thinking ‘class’ clearer, he will go on to speak of it as a ‘symptom‘ in Revolution at the Gates (L, 254-6, 267-8, 332). It is a symptom that, as we have seen when we looked at the Jew, is the sign for a certain impossibility of society. It is what allows us to think an ‘outside’ to the social, what has to be excluded from it in order for it to be constituted. And yet we can see the ‘virtuality’ of this symptom, the difficulty of speaking in its name, in another example of it that Zizek discusses in Sublime Object: the notion of ‘freedom’, as analysed by Marx (SO, 21-3). In bourgeois society, we have a number of freedoms, including the freedom to sell our labour – but this last is a freedom that leads to the enslavement of the worker and the negation of all those other freedoms. Here, as Zizek puts it, in a ‘concrete’ as distinct from an ‘abstract’ freedom, the genus of (bourgeois) freedom meets its opposite in the form of one of its species: the freedom to sell our labour. And it is now this freedom that becomes the true universal, of which bourgeois freedom is only a particular. That is, the various bourgeois freedoms (the freedom of speech, of assembly, of commerce) are only guaranteed within capitalism by this other freedom: the freedom to sell our labour. It is this ‘freedom’ that makes all the others possible, for which they all stand in. But, of course, this leads to the problem that we cannot really say that this freedom to sell our labour is a distortion of some ‘true’ quality of freedom, because this freedom is only possible because of it. And this is to say that antagonism is not really outside of the master-signifier because it can only be expressed in terms of it. If it can only be experienced in a ‘distorted’ way – as with ‘freedom’ here – this is not because we actually see it as distorted, but because we see it as a master-signifier. Antagonism is not so much the failure of the master-signifier as it is the master-signifier itself. Just as the master-signifier is seen in its very absence or impossibility, so this antagonism exists as what it is not: the master-signifier. Antagonism is not some opposition or alternative to what is; but what is arises only in response to antagonism. 7 As Zizek says, antagonism as the true difference, as what is more universal than any universal, is only those ‘particular differences internal to the system’ (CHU, 92).

So, to return to class, what really is at stake in thinking of antagonism in terms of class? We might begin here with Zizek’s description of class as the ‘properly temporal-dialectical tension between the universal and the particular’ (L, 298) (terms which are, incidentally, almost exactly the same as those he uses to describe the Jew in Metastases). In one sense, then, it is impossible to bring the universal and the particular together: as Laclau says, any attempted equivalence between them is always illusory. And Zizek in his early work agrees with this: it is what he means by the ‘king as the place-holder of the void’ (TK, 267) revealing the locus of power to be empty. But, in another sense, we must keep on trying to make the universal and the particular the same. It is only through this attempted making-equivalent that we can reveal the true universal, which is not some empty frame that the particular seeks to fill (as it is for Laclau), but only that place from where this equivalence is stated. (And this is what Zizek can already be understood to mean by the ‘king as the place-holder of the void’: that it is only through the king’s filling out of this empty place that we are able to see that void which allows it.) It is a question no longer of an exception (what cannot be spoken of or filled in) that allows a universal, but of a sinthome connected to a drive (in which any universal is always revealed as an exception). And it is this that Zizek means by class: not a master-signifier that is proved by its exception (by its own absence or impossibility), but – only the slightest twist – this constant process of self-exception itself, in which at once there is no exception to this process and we cannot exactly say what this process is because it is its own exception.

This is why, to conclude, if Zizek speaks of ‘class’, he insists that it is not to be thought of in the old scientific, objectivist way. He agrees with Laclau on this, and even goes further than him (CHU, 319-20). That is, if he speaks of class, it is not finally to go back to the notion of over-determination, or even to say what is excluded from society, as though this could be named. Rather, it is to argue that the social is complete only because of class (struggle), takes the place of class (struggle). The social is explained by class, just as with any master-signifier; but class is not some exception that would render it whole, precisely because it does not stand outside of it. Instead, class renders the social ‘not-all’ (TK, 44): there is at once no exception to the social and the social (as represented by the proletariat) is its own exception. To put this another way, one of Hegel’s arguments – this is his concept of ‘concrete universality’ – is that, if a certain notion does not add up to itself, this lack is reflected back into the notion and the notion itself changes (CHU, 99-100). And we could say the same about class: unlike ‘radical democracy’, which ultimately wants to take its own failure into account from somewhere outside of it, with the ‘failure’ of class the notion itself changes. Class – as universal – is nothing but its own failure. And this is what Hegel means by the Absolute Spirit: not the panlogist sublation of every difference but simply the ‘succession of all dialectical transformations, the impossibility of establishing a final overlapping between the universal and the particular’ (CHU, 60). And this is indicated by the fact that in Contingency, Hegemony, Universality Zizek has several names for this ‘class’ as universal: sexual difference, the Real, even capital itself. And perhaps even ‘behind’ all of these, as another word for it, is the subject (just as the proletariat is the universal ‘subject’ of history). It is subject in that sense we spoke of in Chapter 1 as the only true topic of philosophy. Class as split between the master-signifier and objet a is exactly like that ‘split subject’ we looked at there. This is the final ambiguity of the master-signifier: it is its own opposite (objet a); but it is an opposite – this is perhaps what Zizek does not pay enough attention to in “Why is Every Act?” – that leads only to another master-signifier, that can be seen only through another master-signifier. And in our next chapter, we turn to the ‘other’ side of this in trying to think this objet a as that ‘act’ that allows or results from the master-signifier.

Footnotes

1 As an example of this we might think of George Orwell’s novel 1984. In a first (Imaginary) reading, it is about another, totalitarian country (Russia); but in a second (Symbolic) reading, it is actually about us. It is the liberal, democratic West that is already the dystopia Orwell describes; it is this world that is seen through 1984.
2 As for historical instances of this ‘paranoia’, we might think of the necessity for the Khmer Rouge incessantly to rewrite its origins (T?, 97-9) or the infamous spy within the CIA, James Jesus Angleton, whose job was to look for spies within the CIA (TK, xxxvi-vii). This ‘paranoia’, indeed, is close to that drive Zizek wants, in which we always try to find that void or enunciation behind any enunciated; not simply the Other to the Other, but the Other to the Other to the Other . . . And yet Zizek in the end does not advocate this paranoia, which remains a kind of Hegelian ‘bad infinity’ in its simple denial of symbolic closure (in this regard, deconstruction is perhaps more like paranoia). Rather, Zizek’s challenge is somehow to produce this ‘openess’ through closure, not to say that the Symbolic is impossible but that the Symbolic is its own impossibility (TK, 87-8).
3 The point here is that the birds in The Birds are precisely not ‘symbolic’, suggesting different readings of the film, for example, cosmological, ecological, familial (LA, 97-8). Rather, the birds as master-signifer allow all of these different readings at once. The birds of The Birds would lose their power if they were reduced to any one of these possibilities – and it is part of the effect of the master-signifier that it is able to cover up their radical inconsistency, the fact that they cannot all equally be true (PF, 158).
4 In fact, this is why so many movie monsters are already shape-shifting, ‘second degree’ creatures, not so much any content in particular as able to move between guises and forms: Howard Hawks’ and John Carpenter’s The Thing, Stephen King’s It, Woody Allen’s Zelig (who was also Jewish). All this, as Zizek suggests in his essay on the subject, “Why Does the Phallus Appear?”, is exactly like the phallus itself, which is the ultimate ‘monster’ and what all monsters ultimately resemble (E!, 128-9).
5 Undoubtedly, the greatest example of the master-signifier and its accompanying objet a in literature is to be found in Borges’ essay ‘Kafka and His Precursors’, in which he lists Kafka’s various antecedents: ‘If I am not mistaken, the heterogeneous pieces I have enumerated resemble Kafka; if I am not mistaken, not all of them resemble each other’, Jorges Luis Borges, ‘Kafka and His Precursors’, in Labyrinths, Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1981, p. 236. The first point to be understood here is that Kafka is not simply something in common to his various precursors – because they do not all have something in common – but the very difference between them. The second point is that Kafka is in fact less ‘Kafkaesque’ than some of his precursors: ‘The early Kafka of Betrachtung is less a precursor of the Kafka of sombre myths and atrocious institutions than is Browning or Lord Dunsany’ (p. 236). That is, every attempt to say what Kafka is only reduces him to the status of one of his precursors; any attempted meta-statement concerning Kafka becomes merely another statement. Here, if Kafka’s precursors are ‘immediated-abbreviated’ by Kafka, and Kafka ‘explicates’ them, the true ‘Kafkaesque’ quality Borges is trying to put his finger on is the relationship between these: that ‘nothing’ Kafka and his various precursors have in common. ‘Kafka’ is the relationship between Kafka and his precursors.
6 See on this Robert Pfaller’s essay “Negation and its Reliabilities: An Empty Subject for Ideology?” (CU, 225-46), which criticizes Zizek’s quoting of the line from the film Bladerunner, ‘I am a replicant’, as an extra-ideological statement. Pfaller’s point is not that Zizek is simply incorrect, but that he does not make that extra turn and ask from where his statement is being said.
7 This is Zizek’s point: not that there is no freedom, but that any expression of freedom is only a distortion of it; that freedom is only what allows us to speak of its distortion. And this is the meaning of Zizek saying that the worker is exploited even when he is fully paid (TS, 179-80). Here class or class struggle is a kind of ‘symptom‘ that is present in its absence, that is manifest only in its distortion.

Stavrakakis Lacan and the Political pt 4

Sinthome

an identification with the symptom, a recognition in the real of our symptom of the only support of our being (Stav citing Žižek 1989) 133

Wo es war soll Ich werden: the subject must identify with the place where the syumptom already was: ‘In its pathological particularity [it] … must recognise the element which gives consistency to [its] being’ (Žižek 1989) 133

By saying ‘We are all Jews’, ‘We all live in Chernobyl!’ or ‘We are all boat people!’ — … we elevate the symptom, the excluded truth of the social field (which has been stigmatised as an alien particularity) to the place of the universal — to the point of our common identification which was up to now, sustained by its exclusion or elimination. The same happens when we say ‘We are all gypsies!’ — … What is promoted here is an attitude consistent with identifying with the symptom of the social and traversing social fantasy.

It is only by accepting such an impossible representation, by  making this declaration of impossibility, that it is possible to ‘represent’ the impossible or rather to identify with the impossibility of its representation. Identification with the symptom is thus related to the traversing of the fantasy. Going through fantasy entails the realisation of the lack or inconsistency in the Other which is masked by fantasy, the separation between objet petit a and the Other, a separation which is not only ethically sound but also ‘liberating’ for our political imagination.  134

What is clearly at stake here is the possibility of enacting symbolic gestures that institutionalise social lack, that is to say incorporate the ethical recognition of the impossibility of social closure.

Critique of Judith Butler, Will Connolly, Simon Critchley

Critchley’s Levinaisan ethics of the Other [and probably Butler’ s too]. ‘The community remains an open community in so far as it is based on the recognition of difference, of the difference of the Other’ (citing Critchley 1992).

The problem with such an analysis is that it presupposes the Other as a unifed totality or, even if this is not always the case, it seems to be offering a positive point of identification remaining thus within the limits of traditional ethical strategies or, in any case, not undermining them in a radical way.  What has to be highlighted is that it is precisely this relation — the identification with the Other — that attempts to bring closure to the social.

In order to have a non-totalisable relation to the Other we must relate — identify — with the lack in the Other and not with the Other per se. This is the radical innovation of Lacanian ethics.  And this is what democracy needs today. 139

Stavrakakis Lacan and the Political pt 3

It is the lack created by dislocation that causes the desire for a new discursive articulation. It is this lack created by a dislocation of the social which forms the kernel of the political as an antagonistic articulation of different discourses that attempt to symbolise its traumatic nature, to suture the lack it creates. In that sense the political stands at the root of politics, dislocation at the root of the articulation of a new socio-political order, an encounter with the real moment of the political at the root of our symbolisation of political reality. 74

Trapped as we are within the world of social meaning, all our representations of reality are doomed to fail due to their symbolic character. Every attempt to construct what is impossible to be constructed fails due to our entrapment within the world of construction.  The only moment in which we come face to face with the irreducible real beyond representation is when our constructions are dislocated. It is only when Nature, our construction of external reality, meets a stumbling block, something which cannot be symbolically integrated, that we come close to the real of nature, nature, constructed Nature, is nothing but “a mode of concealment, a cloak of abstractions which obscures that discomforting wildness that defies our paranoid urge to delineate the boundaries of Being” (Stav quoting Evnden 1992) 86

Recognising the constitutivity of the real does not entail that we stop symbolising; it means that we start trying to incorporate this recognition within the symbolic itself, in fact it means that since the symbolic entails lack as such, we abstain from covering it over with fantasmatic constructs — or, if one accepts that we are always trapped within the field of fantasy, that we never stop traversing it. The guiding principle in this kind of approach is to move beyond fantasy towards a self-critical symbolic gesture recognising the contingent and transient character of every symbolic constuct. 89

Fantasy negates the real by promising to ‘realise’ it, by promising to close the gap between the real and reality, by repressing the discursive nature of reality’s production.  Yet any promise of absolute positivity — the construction of an imaginarised false real — is founded on a violent/negative origin; it is sustained by the exclusion of a real — a non-domesticated real — which always returns to its place. Sustaining a promise of full positivity leads to a proliferation of negativity. As we have already pointed out, the fantasy of a utopian harmonious social order can only be sustained if all the persisting disorders can be attributed to an alien intruder. 108

The fantasmatic ideal of harmony is still with us

Can we have passion in politics without holocausts?  Furthermore, is it possible to have a politics of hope, a politics of change without utopia?  … Democratisation is certainly a political project of hope.  But democratic discourse is not (or should not be) based on the vision of a utopian harmonious society.  It is based on the recognition of the impossibility and the catastrophic consequence of such a dream.

Radical Democracy

What differentiates democracy from other political forms of society is the legitimisation of conflict and the refusal to eliminate it through the establishment of an authoritarian harmonious order.  Within this framework the antagonistic diversity between different conceptions of the good is not seen as something negative that should be eliminated, but as something to be “valued and celebrated.  … To believe that a final resolution of conflict is eventually possible, even when it is envisaged as asymptotic approaching to the regulative idea of a free unconstrained communication as in Habermas, is to put the pluralist democratic project at risk.” (Stav quoting Mouffe 1996)  111

Democratic politics — and politics in general — can never eliminate conflict and dislocation, antagonism and division.  the aim is rather to establish unity within an environment of conflict and diversity; to create a thoroughly doubtful society, beset by productive self-doubt, a society that traverses its utopian mirror image by identifying with its supposed enemy (Stav quotes Beck 1997) … accepting the anti-utopian dimension of antagonism and dislocation, the constitutivity of the politcal qua encounter with the real. 112

Lacanian political theory aims at bring to the fore, again and again, the lack in the Other, the same lack that utopian fantasy attempts to mask, [therefore] it would be self-defeating, if not absurd, to engage itself in utopian or quasi-utopian fantasy construction. 116

Democracy is not based on or guided by a certain positive, foundational, normative principle.  On the contrary, democracy is based on the recognition of the fact that no such principle can claim to be truly universal, on the fact that no symbolic social construct can ever claim to master the impossible real. Democracy entails the acceptance of antagonism, in other words, the recognition of the fact that the social will always be structured around a real impossibility which cannot be sutured. 120

Democracy provides a concrete example of what we would call a post-fantasmatic or less-fantasmatic politics. 120

Democracy entails the acceptance of antagonism, in other words, the recognition of the fact that the social will always be structured around a real impossibility which cannot be sutured.

Thus the project of radical democracy, is based not on the futile fantasmatic suture of the lack in the Other but on the recognition of its own irreducibility.  … But this is not possible as long as the ethics of harmony are still hegemonic.  What we need is a new ethical framework. This cannot be an ethics of harmony aspiring to realise a fantasy construction.

Stavrakakis Lacan and the Political pt 2

difference between Lacan and the postmodernists: Although Lacan accepts the priority of the signifier in the formation of meaning he also focuses on the ways this signifier mythologically attempts to embody the real, the ways in which it constructs the imaginary illusion of anchoring our symbolic being to a pre-symbolic level of immediate fulfilment of need.  In other words, prioritising the signifier is coupled with exploring the complex ways in which this signifier produces the effect of the signified.  The point de capiton is one of these ways. 60

If the role of the point de capiton is necessary (or universal) in structural terms, its particular content (the signified produced by its signifying predominance) is not a matter of mirroring a pre-existing objective reality but of hegemonic struggle. 61

if the level of construction is engulfing the totality of the real, what stimulates the production of new social constructions?  What stimulates the desire to articulate new constructions of reality?

Dislocation can be conceived as a confrontation with the real.

The real is what destroys, what dislocates this fantasmatic reality, what shows that this reality is lacking.

The real and the not-all

If reality constitutes the symbolically constructed and fantasmatically supported part of objectivity, the real also belongs to the objective level, it is what exceeds the domesticated portion of the objective. It is exactly what accounts for the failure of all symbolic representations of objective reality … the real is not an ultimate referent of external reality but the limit which hinders the neutral representation of external (symbolic) reality … it is exactly what keeps identification from resulting in full identity. … it is exactly what reveals all symbolic truth to be ‘NOT-ALL’, it can only be thought as the internal limit of the symbolic order. 68

… in opposition to standard versions of constructionism Lacanian theory of symbolic meaning and fantasmatic coherence can only make sense in its relation to the register of a real which is radically external to the level of construction.  This Lacanian real-ism is, however, alien to all other standard versions of epistemological realism in the sense that this real is not the ultimate referent of signification, it is not something representable but exactly the opposite, the impossible which dislocates reality from within. The real does not exist in the sense of being adequately represented in reality; its effects however are disrupting and changing reality, its consequences are felt within the field of representation. 69

The real dislocates social objectivity 70

WE MUST PRECIPITATE A CRISIS, AN EVENT, THAT CONFRONTS THE LIMITATIONS OF OUR MEANING STRUCTURES