{"id":10140,"date":"2012-12-19T18:37:03","date_gmt":"2012-12-19T23:37:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.terada.ca\/discourse\/?p=10140"},"modified":"2012-12-19T18:58:58","modified_gmt":"2012-12-19T23:58:58","slug":"10140","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.terada.ca\/discourse\/2012\/12\/19\/10140\/","title":{"rendered":"event fidelity"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Badiou, A. (2003) <a href=\"http:\/\/www.prelomkolektiv.org\/eng\/08.htm\" target=\"_blank\">After the Event: Rationality and the Politics of Invention<\/a>, an interview with Alain Badiou conducted by the Radical Politics group at the University of Essex.\u00a0\u00a0pp. 180-197.<\/p>\n<p>What needs to be said, to be more precise on this point, is that an <span style=\"font-weight: bold; font-size: 12pt;\">event<\/span> creates \u00a0the conditions of intelligibility of its situation, and these new conditions of \u00a0intelligibility are applied, in particular, to itself. <span style=\"font-weight: bold; color: #0000ff;\">Hence, the intelligibility of the<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: bold; font-size: 12pt;\">event<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: bold; color: #0000ff;\">is neither prospective nor calculative; it is rather retroactive<\/span>.\u00a0 Therefore, even if I sometimes compare the <span style=\"font-weight: bold; font-size: 12pt;\">event<\/span> to a miracle, a grace, etc., these are only metaphors. Undoubtedly, I remain rationalist in my appreciation of the <span style=\"font-weight: bold; font-size: 12pt;\">event<\/span>, and convinced that it is intelligible. Yet, precisely because it is an <span style=\"font-weight: bold; font-size: 12pt;\">event<\/span>, it is only intelligible afterwards, <span style=\"font-weight: bold; color: #0000ff;\">its conditions of intelligibility can never be anticipated.<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Consequently, one cannot say that an <span style=\"font-weight: bold; font-size: 12pt;\">event<\/span> is religious, because \u201creligious\u201d \u00a0always means that something remains unintelligible, that something is definitely mysterious: there is something in God\u2019s design that remains forever inaccessible. This is not the case of the <span style=\"font-weight: bold; font-size: 12pt;\">event<\/span>. There is an intelligibility of the <span style=\"font-weight: bold; font-size: 12pt;\">event<\/span>, but one that is created, and in many ways this constitutes one of the definitions of <strong>fidelity:<\/strong> <span style=\"color: blue; font-weight: bold; font-size: 12pt;\">fidelity<\/span> <span style=\"color: red; font-weight: bold;\">is the creation in the future tense of the intelligibility of the<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: bold; font-size: 12pt;\">event<\/span>. This is the reason why thinking the intelligibility of the <span style=\"font-weight: bold; font-size: 12pt;\">event <\/span>understanding of the Revolution of 1917 took much time \u2013 perhaps it is still not complete \u2013 but this does not imply that it is a mystery. In sum, when <span style=\"font-weight: bold; font-size: 12pt;\">events<\/span> are constituted, they were not calculable, predictable, and <strong>were not part of the previous rationality.<\/strong> One must understand that an <span style=\"font-weight: bold; font-size: 12pt;\">event<\/span> is also<strong> the creation of new instruments of rationality<\/strong> <span style=\"color: red; font-weight: bold;\">what experience are you committing yourselves to? What is your experience? This leads to a new form of the creation of rationality.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><strong>Foucault<\/strong> is a very complicated thinker, especially in politics, where very few risks were taken.\u00a0 But it is possible to interpret <strong>Foucault<\/strong> as someone who says: finally, power and resistance are the same thing.\u00a0 I think this is not the case at all. I think that we only have resistance to the State when it is constituted elsewhere, when it is <span style=\"color: red; font-weight: bold; font-size: 11pt;\"> heterogeneous<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: bold; color: #0000ff;\"> to the nature of the power.<\/span> I really believe in the \u201cpower of the two\u201d, in the power of difference, but a true difference, not false difference, such as thinking that we have a single twisted space, as if resistance was the torsion of power. \u00a0I am not favourable to this idea.<\/p>\n<p>[&#8230;]\u00a0 \u00a0But it is not the case that if we have movements, we also have politics. This is a very important point. There are innumerable movements that constantly occur; some movements are renewals of political thought, but this is not the same as simply being a movement and nothing more. Negri always speaks of the great creativity of the multitudes (multitude is the new name for masses, let us admit to this), but where have we seen this creativity?\u00a0 <strong>It is not because you\u2019re protesting at Genoa that there is a creativity of the multitude. I have seen hundreds of these type of protests over the years and can honestly say that there isn\u2019t an ounce of creativity in all of this.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Hence, the problem of creativity at this stage is a problem of knowing what creates a political<\/strong> <span style=\"color: red; font-weight: bold; font-size: 11pt;\"> heterogeneity<\/span>. But to create a political <span style=\"color: red; font-weight: bold; font-size: 11pt;\"> heterogeneity<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: bold; color: #0000ff;\">supposes very complicated and very novel principles of rupture.<\/span> I am not saying that all this is easy, on the contrary. But at least we have this idea: we have this experimental idea of seeing how, on a certain number of issues, in a certain number of spaces, we can finally create political <span style=\"color: red; font-weight: bold; font-size: 11pt;\"> heterogeneity<\/span>. Here, there is an empirical rule: I think that we can finally create political <span style=\"color: red; font-weight: bold; font-size: 11pt;\"> heterogeneity<\/span> in continuity only with popular \u00a0components that are themselves <span style=\"color: red; font-weight: bold; font-size: 11pt;\"> heterogeneous<\/span>, and that the little civil bourgeoisie is not the one that will create by itself such political <span style=\"color: red; font-weight: bold; font-size: 11pt;\"> heterogeneity<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>The anti-globalisation movement is also a movement that is \u2013 in old Marxist terms \u2013 bourgeois. Let us put aside this old vocabulary, but let us also admit that anti-globalisation is not a popular movement. This at least is clear! It is perhaps an ideological movement, which is interesting, but all in all, I think that it remains confined within the categories that are not those of the <span style=\"color: red; font-weight: bold; font-size: 11pt;\"> heterogeneous<\/span>.<\/p>\n<p>My difference with <strong>Negri<\/strong> on this point is almost ontological; it is truly fundamental. It is really the attempt to create from scratch a substantialist, vitalist, and political \u2013<strong> homogenous<\/strong>, finally \u2013 vision, whose practical form is in fact the movement itself. There is no other practical form than the movement. But the movement does not resolve by itself the questions of politics.\u00a0<span style=\"font-weight: bold; color: #0000ff;\"> Politics is first and foremost the creation of spaces: you must create your space.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Badiou, A. (2003) After the Event: Rationality and the Politics of Invention, an interview with Alain Badiou conducted by the Radical Politics group at the University of Essex.\u00a0\u00a0pp. 180-197. What needs to be said, to be more precise on this point, is that an event creates \u00a0the conditions of intelligibility of its situation, and these &hellip; <a href=\"https:\/\/www.terada.ca\/discourse\/2012\/12\/19\/10140\/\" class=\"more-link\">Continue reading<span class=\"screen-reader-text\"> &#8220;event fidelity&#8221;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[45,20],"tags":[137],"class_list":["post-10140","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-badiou","category-zizek","tag-interview"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.terada.ca\/discourse\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10140","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.terada.ca\/discourse\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.terada.ca\/discourse\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.terada.ca\/discourse\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.terada.ca\/discourse\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=10140"}],"version-history":[{"count":8,"href":"https:\/\/www.terada.ca\/discourse\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10140\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10142,"href":"https:\/\/www.terada.ca\/discourse\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10140\/revisions\/10142"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.terada.ca\/discourse\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=10140"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.terada.ca\/discourse\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=10140"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.terada.ca\/discourse\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=10140"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}